Историја Бугара

1830-их у Османском царству није било Бугара, али је на попису било 230 000 Татара.

Према попису становништва у Османском царству, 1830-их није било Бугара, већ 230 000 Татара (у европској Турској - Северна Бугарска, Добруџа, Украјина, Крим).

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1830-их у Османском царству није било Бугара, али је на попису било 230 000 Татара.

Према попису становништва у Османском царству, 1830-их није било Бугара, већ 230 000 Татара (у европској Турској - Северна Бугарска, Добруџа, Украјина, Крим).

A2QY5Wt.jpg

LWuiJyR.jpg
Па колико Срба има у овом попису?
 
1830-их у Османском царству није било Бугара, али је на попису било 230 000 Татара.

Према попису становништва у Османском царству, 1830-их није било Бугара, већ 230 000 Татара (у европској Турској - Северна Бугарска, Добруџа, Украјина, Крим).

A2QY5Wt.jpg

LWuiJyR.jpg
Попис из 1831. бележио је само верску припадност, тако да ови подаци сигурно нису извучени из њега.
 
- Mikhail Madzharov, a Bulgarian politician, described in his memoirs that a young village newcomer to Plovdiv would learn from his master (who was himself a “Greek or hellenized Bulgarian”) the Plovdiv Greek language. Another reference to substandard Greek comes from Moravenov, who mentioned that a certain Bulgarian in Plovdiv « learned to jabber gudilski [Gudilain language] and therefore became a Gudila ». Both examples refer to language use with localized semantics as well as taxonomy of languages of which Gudilain language is not considered authentic Greek, but also the assumption that language itself can bring change to ethnic identity.

- In the 1850s and 1860s, with the intensification of the Bulgarian movement for an autocephalous church, the appellations Romaioi, Byzantines, Hellenes, and Greek blended and were filled with negative associations through reinterpretation of events from Antiquity and the Middle Ages. For example, publicists from the 1860s, and especially Petko Slaveĭkov, contributed to the dissemination of the legend that the Tŭrnovo Patriarchate’s library was put on fire deliberately by the Tŭrnovo’s bishop Ilariōn who was a Greek. In the 1870s and the 1880s, especially after the establishment of the Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870, the relations aggravated : « The Greek national and historical imagination was accordingly recasted, and embarked on a process that would transform the Bulgarians from harmless peasants and good Christians into blood-thirsty barbarians ». Moreover, many Greek contemporaries perceived the rupture of 1872 mostly in terms of foreign intervention and not as development of phases of hostility.

- In Dobrudja, though, the threat came from Rumanian and Gagauz women : « Men were married to Gagauz women who not only hated Bulgarian language but also succeeded in assimilating [pretopiat] their husbands… The peaceful Bulgarian, being ignorant, preferred to sacrifice his father’s tongue [my italics] and even to forget it in order to keep peace at home ». Note the patriarchal component – unlike Grigorovich -- who referred to the mother language, the quote above expressed language as masculine attribute of the nation, albeit manipulated by foreign women. This angst, which implied an emaciation of Bulgarian national masculinity, seems to be perpetuated by the Bulgarian journalist and writer Slaveĭkov, who maintained a social column in his newspaper “Gaĭda”. His sarcasm was especially directed at Bulgarians who married Greek women. One of the common targets was the above-mentioned Gavril Krŭstevich. The contempt against him was not spared even from his mother’s obituary -- Ralou Krŭstides (Rada Baeva), which was published in Greek (1875). It said that her son : « Gavril effendi hellenized not only his own name, but also the name of his mother at her old age ». Another Bulgarian writer and journalist, Liuben Karavelov, also discussed the denationalizing role of Greek and Gudila women in Plovdiv who were changing the identity of their husbands and children.

URL:
https://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/2342?lang=en#tocto1n2
 
Bulgaria’s denial of its Ottoman past and Turkish identity

URL:
http://neweasterneurope.eu/2019/03/24/bulgarias-denial-of-its-ottoman-past-and-turkish-identity/

"For four decades between 1878 and 1908 in Bulgaria, Osmanlıca (Ottoman Turkish) was an official language, alongside the national tongue of Bulgarian. Numerous Bulgarian documents were written in Osmanlıca, and quite a few books and periodicals were published in this language in the Principality. And yet, although modern Bulgarian history is commonly defined as the post-1878 period, students and researchers of modern Bulgarian history do not acquire Osmanlıca, unless they specialise in “Oriental” or Turkish studies. It is as though Osmanlıca had never been an official language in modern Bulgaria."
 
Bulgaria’s denial of its Ottoman past and Turkish identity

URL:
http://neweasterneurope.eu/2019/03/24/bulgarias-denial-of-its-ottoman-past-and-turkish-identity/

"For four decades between 1878 and 1908 in Bulgaria, Osmanlıca (Ottoman Turkish) was an official language, alongside the national tongue of Bulgarian. Numerous Bulgarian documents were written in Osmanlıca, and quite a few books and periodicals were published in this language in the Principality. And yet, although modern Bulgarian history is commonly defined as the post-1878 period, students and researchers of modern Bulgarian history do not acquire Osmanlıca, unless they specialise in “Oriental” or Turkish studies. It is as though Osmanlıca had never been an official language in modern Bulgaria."
Слична је ситуација и у Србији (можда чак и гора што се тиче сад већ непостојећих оријенталних студија). Нажалост, делимично је у овоме крива и Турска (мањак стварних улагања у привлачење људи за ову област, одвратно понашање доброг дела мојих сународника и сл). Потребни су већи напори са обе (или све три?) стране.
 
Слична је ситуација и у Србији (можда чак и гора што се тиче сад већ непостојећих оријенталних студија). Нажалост, делимично је у овоме крива и Турска (мањак стварних улагања у привлачење људи за ову област, одвратно понашање доброг дела мојих сународника и сл). Потребни су већи напори са обе (или све три?) стране.
Дај пример са један званичан документ написан на османлијском после 1878 од страна бугарских власти.
 
Upravo ta karta pokazuje slabost Bugarske, jer se bugari stalno pozivaju na nju. Imajte u vidu da su oni bili osvajači i da je ta zemlja bila okupirana u kojoj su živeli drugi narodi koji su bili porobljeni.Tačno je da su oni doseljavali svoje stanovništvo i asimilirali druge postepeno pa ćete svuda tu dan danas nailaziti na ostatke bugare koji su u malom broju. Tako danas imate bugare u Rumuniji, severnoj Grčkoj i u Albaniji. Isto tako je car Dušan naseljavao srbe u Epiru, pa iz projekta RASTKO možete videti da je tamo nađen čovek, kaže jedna hronika koji za sebe kaže da je Bulgaro-srbo-vlah, očigledno nacionalnost kao posledica raznih imperija.
 

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