Rat u Ukrajini (16)

Koji od tri ishoda vam je najverovatniji?


  • Ukupno glasova
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Nisi shvatio jednostavnu jednadžbu?

Ajd još jednom, neću više ponavljati, pazi sad:

Zelenski = heroj Ukrajine, brani narod i domovinu
Putko = lažljivi smradni agresor na Ukrajinu, ubojica i ratni zločinac, maroder

:kafa:
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Kasno za povlacenje.
 
Ti ne bi mogao da stejdžuješ ovakvu sliku sa budžetom (i interesom) direktno iz Kremlja?

Nemoj da se šalimo.
Jj
Da nacisti imaju neki ugled u Ukrajini, imali bi i političku moć, barem nekakvu. A oni nemaju nikakvu.
Nemoj da se šalimo, primenjuješ iste metode kojima se u kampanjama “dokazuje” sve što se želi da se dokaže. Freedom House tvrdi da u Ukrajini ima opasnih radikalnih desničara = neonacizam, ali @Sizif to ne želi da vidi, a @Mačkoni se solidariše. Neki drugi podržavaoci Ukrajine, @dlugomir ne tvrde da u Ukrajini nema r opasnih desničara.

08F0A3CB-1DFF-4FF4-ACB8-2EF1107A1C20.jpeg
70AEE17E-E12D-4907-82DB-9B6496D86BD9.jpeg


EXECUTIVE SUMMARY​

  • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large express their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society.
  • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euromaidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society.
  • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state.
  • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, including by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities.
  • In the last few months, extremist groups have become increasingly active. The most disturbing element of their recent show of force is that so far it has gone fully unpunished by the authorities. Their activities challenge the legitimacy of the state, undermine its democratic institutions, and discredit the country’s law enforcement agencies.
  • Given the increasingly worrying situation, Ukrainian society, law enforcement agencies, and other state bodies as well as the international community should take effective measures to counter far-right extremism in Ukraine.

INTRODUCTION​

Over the last few years, Ukrainian far-right groups have become a subject of attention in the media and the international community. The interest partly originates in the dramatic events the country has undergone, namely the 2014 revolution and the ongoing war. But it has also been bolstered by the scandals surrounding the presence of these groups in public spaces and that of members of the armed forces who propagate radical views and use radical symbols. Russian propaganda exaggerating ultranationalist tendencies in modern Ukraine has also had an impact on the perception of these trends.

Despite the abundance of articles and television dispatches, the field lacks high-quality analytical research on the Ukrainian far right, making it difficult for foreign observers to understand the place of these groups in Ukraine’s political system, the threat they pose, and the future of such movements. This brief will attempt to define what we mean by far-right extremist and radical groups in the modern Ukrainian context; list the main groups belonging to this field, summarize the specifics of their ideology, political strategies, and future prospects; and formulate a general picture of the threat they pose to the democratic development of Ukrainian society.

DEFINITIONS OF RADICALISM IN UKRAINE​

The borders of right-wing radicalism in modern Ukraine are blurred because it exists within a political system where party lines fail to neatly follow ideologies. They are also blurred because of current historical events, which have compelled a turn to the legacy of the early 20th century Ukrainian nationalist movement. After the war began in 2014, Ukrainians felt a genuine threat to Ukrainian sovereignty and the existence of the Ukrainian state. This prompted a return to the symbols and rhetoric used by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in the first half of the 20th century, which were previously exclusively associated with far-right and extremist groups. These symbols have become acceptable recently and are being used by a wider portion of society, including people in positions of authority and the elite. At the same time, attempts to revive the ideology of the historical OUN in a modernized form are extremely rare. Instead, this revival materializes in the use of symbolic elements such as the red-and-black flag and individual slogans. A significant part of the population (if not the majority) today associates these with the struggle for independence, rather than with a radical ethnocentric or xenophobic ideology.[1]

Out of the wide spectrum of political forces that can be described as nationalist, this brief will focus on groups that are defined not only as right-wing radicals but also as extremists[2]. The brief thus separates groups that express radical views on the reorganization of society, which can nonetheless be peaceful in nature and expressed through law-abiding participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which reject democratic principles and resort to force to influence society and political processes. The main way to determine if a group is extremist is by its attitude to political violence: groups that systematically direct physical violence against groups they oppose, glorify historical instances of terrorism and ethnic cleansing, and openly and aggressively propagate hate are included among the extremist ones.

Based on the above criteria, the following political parties qualify as extremist nationwide: the All-Ukrainian Union Party ‘Svoboda’ (led by Oleh Tyahnybok, the party achieved 4.71 percent of the vote during the last parliamentary elections and has six MPs in the Verkhovna Rada); the National Corpus (headed by Andriy Belitsky, who during the last elections participated as an independent candidate and became an MP); and the Right Sector (led by Andriy Stempitsky, the party received 1.8 percent in the last elections; its one representative in the Rada, Dmytro Yarosh, has already left the party). These three parties are currently in negotiations to run together ahead of the upcoming elections. All are nationwide parties with representation in almost every region of the country, and with youth and sports groups as well paramilitary and cultural movements connected to party structures. Sometimes these groups and movements attract members who are more radical than the party’s mainstream, activists who specifically focus on the use of force.

https://freedomhouse.org/report/analytical-brief/2018/far-right-extremism-threat-ukrainian-democracy
 
Nemoj da se šalimo, primenjuješ iste metode kojima se u kampanjama “dokazuje” sve što se želi da se dokaže. Freedom House tvrdi da u Ukrajini ima opasnih radikalnih desničara = neonacizam, ali @Sizif to ne želi da vidi, a @Mačkoni se solidariše. Neki drugi podržavaoci Ukrajine, @dlugomir ne tvrde da u Ukrajini nema r opasnih desničara.

Pogledajte prilog 1255826Pogledajte prilog 1255828

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY​

  • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large express their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society.
  • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euromaidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society.
  • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state.
  • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, including by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities.
  • In the last few months, extremist groups have become increasingly active. The most disturbing element of their recent show of force is that so far it has gone fully unpunished by the authorities. Their activities challenge the legitimacy of the state, undermine its democratic institutions, and discredit the country’s law enforcement agencies.
  • Given the increasingly worrying situation, Ukrainian society, law enforcement agencies, and other state bodies as well as the international community should take effective measures to counter far-right extremism in Ukraine.

INTRODUCTION​

Over the last few years, Ukrainian far-right groups have become a subject of attention in the media and the international community. The interest partly originates in the dramatic events the country has undergone, namely the 2014 revolution and the ongoing war. But it has also been bolstered by the scandals surrounding the presence of these groups in public spaces and that of members of the armed forces who propagate radical views and use radical symbols. Russian propaganda exaggerating ultranationalist tendencies in modern Ukraine has also had an impact on the perception of these trends.

Despite the abundance of articles and television dispatches, the field lacks high-quality analytical research on the Ukrainian far right, making it difficult for foreign observers to understand the place of these groups in Ukraine’s political system, the threat they pose, and the future of such movements. This brief will attempt to define what we mean by far-right extremist and radical groups in the modern Ukrainian context; list the main groups belonging to this field, summarize the specifics of their ideology, political strategies, and future prospects; and formulate a general picture of the threat they pose to the democratic development of Ukrainian society.

DEFINITIONS OF RADICALISM IN UKRAINE​

The borders of right-wing radicalism in modern Ukraine are blurred because it exists within a political system where party lines fail to neatly follow ideologies. They are also blurred because of current historical events, which have compelled a turn to the legacy of the early 20th century Ukrainian nationalist movement. After the war began in 2014, Ukrainians felt a genuine threat to Ukrainian sovereignty and the existence of the Ukrainian state. This prompted a return to the symbols and rhetoric used by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in the first half of the 20th century, which were previously exclusively associated with far-right and extremist groups. These symbols have become acceptable recently and are being used by a wider portion of society, including people in positions of authority and the elite. At the same time, attempts to revive the ideology of the historical OUN in a modernized form are extremely rare. Instead, this revival materializes in the use of symbolic elements such as the red-and-black flag and individual slogans. A significant part of the population (if not the majority) today associates these with the struggle for independence, rather than with a radical ethnocentric or xenophobic ideology.[1]

Out of the wide spectrum of political forces that can be described as nationalist, this brief will focus on groups that are defined not only as right-wing radicals but also as extremists[2]. The brief thus separates groups that express radical views on the reorganization of society, which can nonetheless be peaceful in nature and expressed through law-abiding participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which reject democratic principles and resort to force to influence society and political processes. The main way to determine if a group is extremist is by its attitude to political violence: groups that systematically direct physical violence against groups they oppose, glorify historical instances of terrorism and ethnic cleansing, and openly and aggressively propagate hate are included among the extremist ones.

Based on the above criteria, the following political parties qualify as extremist nationwide: the All-Ukrainian Union Party ‘Svoboda’ (led by Oleh Tyahnybok, the party achieved 4.71 percent of the vote during the last parliamentary elections and has six MPs in the Verkhovna Rada); the National Corpus (headed by Andriy Belitsky, who during the last elections participated as an independent candidate and became an MP); and the Right Sector (led by Andriy Stempitsky, the party received 1.8 percent in the last elections; its one representative in the Rada, Dmytro Yarosh, has already left the party). These three parties are currently in negotiations to run together ahead of the upcoming elections. All are nationwide parties with representation in almost every region of the country, and with youth and sports groups as well paramilitary and cultural movements connected to party structures. Sometimes these groups and movements attract members who are more radical than the party’s mainstream, activists who specifically focus on the use of force.

https://freedomhouse.org/report/analytical-brief/2018/far-right-extremism-threat-ukrainian-democracy
Svaka zemlja ima 4% mentalno obolelih. Imamo i mi Gorana Davidovića - Firera, pa nismo nacistička zemlja jer Davidović u Srbiji nema nikakvu političku moć i upada u tih 4% ravnozemljaških klovnova.

Isto tako je i u Ukrajini, i u bilo kojoj drugoj zemlji.
 
Nemoj da se šalimo, primenjuješ iste metode kojima se u kampanjama “dokazuje” sve što se želi da se dokaže. Freedom House tvrdi da u Ukrajini ima opasnih radikalnih desničara = neonacizam, ali @Sizif to ne želi da vidi, a @Mačkoni se solidariše. Neki drugi podržavaoci Ukrajine, @dlugomir ne tvrde da u Ukrajini nema r opasnih desničara.

Pogledajte prilog 1255826Pogledajte prilog 1255828

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY​

  • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large express their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society.
  • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euromaidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society.
  • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state.
  • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, including by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities.
  • In the last few months, extremist groups have become increasingly active. The most disturbing element of their recent show of force is that so far it has gone fully unpunished by the authorities. Their activities challenge the legitimacy of the state, undermine its democratic institutions, and discredit the country’s law enforcement agencies.
  • Given the increasingly worrying situation, Ukrainian society, law enforcement agencies, and other state bodies as well as the international community should take effective measures to counter far-right extremism in Ukraine.

INTRODUCTION​

Over the last few years, Ukrainian far-right groups have become a subject of attention in the media and the international community. The interest partly originates in the dramatic events the country has undergone, namely the 2014 revolution and the ongoing war. But it has also been bolstered by the scandals surrounding the presence of these groups in public spaces and that of members of the armed forces who propagate radical views and use radical symbols. Russian propaganda exaggerating ultranationalist tendencies in modern Ukraine has also had an impact on the perception of these trends.

Despite the abundance of articles and television dispatches, the field lacks high-quality analytical research on the Ukrainian far right, making it difficult for foreign observers to understand the place of these groups in Ukraine’s political system, the threat they pose, and the future of such movements. This brief will attempt to define what we mean by far-right extremist and radical groups in the modern Ukrainian context; list the main groups belonging to this field, summarize the specifics of their ideology, political strategies, and future prospects; and formulate a general picture of the threat they pose to the democratic development of Ukrainian society.

DEFINITIONS OF RADICALISM IN UKRAINE​

The borders of right-wing radicalism in modern Ukraine are blurred because it exists within a political system where party lines fail to neatly follow ideologies. They are also blurred because of current historical events, which have compelled a turn to the legacy of the early 20th century Ukrainian nationalist movement. After the war began in 2014, Ukrainians felt a genuine threat to Ukrainian sovereignty and the existence of the Ukrainian state. This prompted a return to the symbols and rhetoric used by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in the first half of the 20th century, which were previously exclusively associated with far-right and extremist groups. These symbols have become acceptable recently and are being used by a wider portion of society, including people in positions of authority and the elite. At the same time, attempts to revive the ideology of the historical OUN in a modernized form are extremely rare. Instead, this revival materializes in the use of symbolic elements such as the red-and-black flag and individual slogans. A significant part of the population (if not the majority) today associates these with the struggle for independence, rather than with a radical ethnocentric or xenophobic ideology.[1]

Out of the wide spectrum of political forces that can be described as nationalist, this brief will focus on groups that are defined not only as right-wing radicals but also as extremists[2]. The brief thus separates groups that express radical views on the reorganization of society, which can nonetheless be peaceful in nature and expressed through law-abiding participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which reject democratic principles and resort to force to influence society and political processes. The main way to determine if a group is extremist is by its attitude to political violence: groups that systematically direct physical violence against groups they oppose, glorify historical instances of terrorism and ethnic cleansing, and openly and aggressively propagate hate are included among the extremist ones.

Based on the above criteria, the following political parties qualify as extremist nationwide: the All-Ukrainian Union Party ‘Svoboda’ (led by Oleh Tyahnybok, the party achieved 4.71 percent of the vote during the last parliamentary elections and has six MPs in the Verkhovna Rada); the National Corpus (headed by Andriy Belitsky, who during the last elections participated as an independent candidate and became an MP); and the Right Sector (led by Andriy Stempitsky, the party received 1.8 percent in the last elections; its one representative in the Rada, Dmytro Yarosh, has already left the party). These three parties are currently in negotiations to run together ahead of the upcoming elections. All are nationwide parties with representation in almost every region of the country, and with youth and sports groups as well paramilitary and cultural movements connected to party structures. Sometimes these groups and movements attract members who are more radical than the party’s mainstream, activists who specifically focus on the use of force.

https://freedomhouse.org/report/analytical-brief/2018/far-right-extremism-threat-ukrainian-democracy
@Sizif @Mačkoni @dlugomir

Da poverujemo da je i ovaj izveštaj Freedom House-a o Ukrajini pisao Putin lično?
 
Svaka zemlja ima 4% mentalno obolelih. Imamo i mi Gorana Davidovića - Firera, pa nismo nacistička zemlja jer Davidović u Srbiji nema nikakvu političku moć i upada u tih 4% ravnozemljaških klovnova.

Isto tako je i u Ukrajini, i u bilo kojoj drugoj zemlji.
Ali tih 4% idiota je dovoljno put.leru da napada i razara jednu zemlju vise od pola godine. Kakav jadan alibi za imperijalisticku politiku rusije.
 
OkSvaka zemlja ima 4% mentalno obolelih. Imamo i mi Gorana Davidovića - Firera, pa nismo nacistička zemlja jer Davidović u Srbiji nema nikakvu političku moć i upada u tih 4% ravnozemljaških klovnova.

Isto tako je i u Ukrajini, i u bilo kojoj drugoj zemlji.
Opet menjaš iskaz - tvrdio si (implicitno) da je one slike mogao npr i FSB da namontira, a bitno verovatniju mogućnost - onu da su se opasni ludaci u Ukrajini dokopali oružja i da čak imaju i neki uticaj na mainstream društvo nisi hteo ni da uzmeš u obzir.
 
U dombasu se crta ne mjenja ilki slabo mijenja od početka rata. Agresija je išla iz Rusije cijelom dužinom granice sa Ukrajinom. znači Ruska agresija nikako građanski rat
Pa umješala se u gradjanski rat, sve u svrhu odbrane ugroženog proruskog Donbasa.Ništa novo ni prvi put vidjeno u našem gradu, samo pojedini mediji prave histeriju da opravdaju svoje pare date Ukrajini.Klasika...
 
Opet menjaš iskaz - tvrdio si (implicitno) da je one slike mogao npr i FSB da namontira, a bitno verovatniju mogućnost - onu da su se opasni ludaci u Ukrajini dokopali oružja i da čak imaju i neki uticaj na mainstream društvo nisi hteo ni da uzmeš u obzir.
Dzabe se trudis, domace ustase bi smislile bilo sta da opravdaju ukrajinski nacizam.

Na kraju to nije bitno.

Rekao sam ranije, Rusi imaju svoju crvenu liniju a to je Ukrajina. Nema nista sporno.
 
Opet menjaš iskaz - tvrdio si (implicitno) da je one slike mogao npr i FSB da namontira, a bitno verovatniju mogućnost - onu da su se opasni ludaci u Ukrajini dokopali oružja i da čak imaju i neki uticaj na mainstream društvo nisi hteo ni da uzmeš u obzir.
Dobro, recimo da si ti u pravu, i da Ukrajina vrvi od nacista.

Šta bi bio njihov krajnji cilj po tvom mišljenju?
 
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