Драгољуб Дража Михаиловић

INDISPUTABLE EVIDENCE
Stoyan Pribichevich, the London correspondent for Fortune, Time and Life magazines, in an article written for Fortune, investigated the rival claims of the government-in-exile and the Partisans. He brings the following evidence:
One Captain Vaselevich, an officer of Mikhailovich's, captured with some Italians by a Partisan 'escort' in Slovenia, last December, is reported to have testified that Mikhailovich had organized 'White Guards' in Slovenia to fight the Partisans.
"Private Jack Denver, a New Zealander who escaped from a German prison camp near Maribar, in Slovenia, in the winter of 1942, broadcast over the Partisan Free Yugoslavia radio that he had seen Mikhailovich's troops march together with the Italians through the Slovenian capital, Lyublyana.
"During last winter's Axis onslaught in Bosnia the Partisan high command claimed in its communiques the capture of hundreds of Chetniks, together with Italians, stating dates, places of battles and giving names of seized Chetnik commanders.
"In January, 1943 the Partisan Vece President Dr. Ivan Ribar broadcast that large Chetnik units under Commanders Gaich, Yevdj Jevich and Birchanin, had joined the Italian army to raid Partisan villages in Dalmatia and Bosnia and established Chetnik training camps in Crikvenista, Split and other Italian-occupied coastal towns. And throughout this spring fighting in Hercegovina, the Partisan communiques complained of Chetnik attacks and claimed Chetniks among these Axis prisoners."
Pribichevich goes on further in his findings:
"Confidentially, the Yugoslav government officials will concede that Mikhailovich received armaments from the Italians under a secret agreement with General Mario Roatta, former commander of the Italian occupation forces in Yugoslavia. The proviso being that the armaments would not be used against the Italians."
Further, writing in the same issue of Fortune, Stoyan Pribichevich says: "In February the Istanbul correspondent of The London Times reported that Mikhailovich had 'a sort of tacit truce with the Italians'."
The New York Times Reports
Last November, Hanson Baldwin remarked in The New York Times that: "The defenders of General Mikhailovich do nor deny that he may have been in touch with the Italians and Marshal Nedich, but they point out that 'deals' are common in Balkan politics."
He says further: "Two facts have been established: (1) Mikhailovich was not fighting the Italians; (2) Mikhailovich has not disavowed the Chetnik units and commanders who have joined the Axis against their own kin."
In March, 1943, the Yugoslav government in London, officially, almost boastfully, admitted that Mikhailovich was carrying on an anti-Partisan offensive. Some of its members privately admitted to Stoyan Pribichevich, who is of Serbian origin himself, that Mikhailovich had a collaborative pact with the commanders of the Italian forces in the Balkans.
Louis Adamic Reports
Louis Adamic tells us in "My Native Land": "While Mikhailovich was hammering at the Partisans, King Peter and some of the inner clique of the Yugoslav government were in the United States, guests in fact, of the American government. Accompanying the king were two of his adjutants, Foreign Minister Momchilo Ninchich and Minister of the Court Radoye Knezevich, and in Washington they received messages from Mikhailovich that 'The people were exterminating the criminal and communistic Partisans.'
"The king and his entourage were too delighted with the news to be diplomatically silent. They talked about it at receptions given for the 'young sovereign' by organizations like the American Friends of Yugoslavia, whose supporters and members, knowing very little beyond official propaganda, were Mikhailovich and Chetnik enthusiasts."
While the Partisans fought valiantly, Mikhailovich's main line of activity apart from sniping at the Partisans and trying to hamper their movements, was to wireless the Yugoslav government-in-exile the names of hundreds of Yugoslav army officers who had left him and joined the Liberation Front, suggesting that they be stripped immediately of their commissions.
The government naturally complied with his request, at the same time decorating Chetniks who "distinguished" themselves in anti-Partisan operations.
It is now a known fact that Mikhailovich's Chetnik officers were treated for wounds in the Quisling Nedich's Nazi-occupied Belgrade, right under the noses of Hitler's henchmen and they weren't even touched. One of these officers, Major Kuloluch, was even given a medal by the government-in-exile after being visited by the butcher Nedich himself. The latter was responsible for murdering thousands of Yugoslavs. But this didn't mean anything to the government-in-exile.
For acts like this the famous Partisan Colonel Orovich denounced King Peter's government for decorating traitors.
To add insult to injury, Vladimar Milichevich, a former Belgrade police inspector (famous for his specialty in dealing with political figures who were wanted by the reactionary Yugoslav regimes before the war), today is Minister of the Exterior and the Police in the government-in-exile.
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General Maitland Wilson Charges
General Maitland Wilson, commander of Allied forces in the Mediterranean, charged openly in the American press in the month of November, 1943, that the Chetniks were helping the Germans in a fruitless attempt to smash the Yugoslav Liberation movement. He said further that he was aware that in certain districts, especially in Dalmatia, people using the name Chetniks were helping the Germans. These people were betraying the interests of their country and made their traitorous actions even more pronounced when they said that their activities were sanctioned by England.
This is, of course, wholly false, and has been proven so by Winston Churchill's famous speech hereinafter quoted and by England's recognition of Marshal Tito and the attaching of a liaison officer to his staff by that country.
General Wilson went on to salute the noble achievements of the forces of liberation and he promised every possible aid from the Allies in keeping with Allied strategy.
In the same statement, General Wilson warned the Chetniks that they will be regarded as traitors to their own people and as enemies of the United Nations if they do not stop giving aid and comfort to the enemy.
Winsion Churchill's Historic Speech
Gradually as a confused world started to hear the truth finally seep out of embattled Yugoslavia, Winston Churchill, opening a war debate in the House of Commons on February 22, 1944, made the following startling pronouncement in the House of Commons that fell like sledge hammer blows on those forces all over the world who were interested in keeping the Mikhailovich myth alive:
"General Mikhailovich, I regret to say, drifted gradually into a position where some of his commanders made accommodations with the Italian and German troops which resulted in their being left alone in certain mountain areas and in return doing very little or nothing against the enemy.
"However, a new and far more formidable champion has appeared on the scene. In the autumn of 1941 Marshal Tito's Partisans began a wild and furious war for existence against the Germans and they wrested weapons from the German hand.
"They grew in numbers rapidly; no reprisals, however bloody, whether of hostages or villages, deterred them; for them it was death or freedom.
"Soon they began to inflict heavy injuries on the Germans and became masters of wide regions, led with great skill and organized on guerrilla principles, they were at once illusive and deadly. They were here. They were there. They were everywhere. Large scale offensives have been launched against them by the Germans but in every case the Partisans even when surrounded, have escaped after inflicting great loss and toll on the enemy.
"The Partisan movement soon outstripped in numbers the forces of General Mikhailovich. Not only Croats and Slovenes but large numbers of Serbians, joined with Marshal Tito and he has at this moment more than a quarter of a million men with him and large quantities of arms taken from the enemy or from the Italians."
And Mr. Churchill went on further to say: "At the present time the followers of Marshal Tito outnumber many fold those of General Mikhailovich who act under the name of the Royal Yugoslav government. Of course, the Partisans of Marshal Tito are the only people who are doing any fighting against the Germans right now."
What stronger evidence can we possibly have than that presented by this great British statesman as late as February, 1944.
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YUGOSLAVIA: Too Tired
"When I am too tired," said Draja Mihailovich, "I say yes."
Last week, in the stifling summer heat of a makeshift courtroom outside Belgrade, the onetime hero of
Yugoslav resistance was very tired. Prison-pale and peering myopically through his thick-lensed glasses, he
tried wearily to turn aside the charges of his Partisan accusers. Seven hours a day, for three days, fortified
by a breakfast of rum and tea, the bushy-bearded Chetnik answered their hammering questions and
returned to his cell for a dinner of ham & cabbage, topped off by tall schooners of beer. But neither rum nor
beer nor the efforts of two of Yugoslavia's best defense lawyers could lift his pessimism. "I wish you
wouldn't torture me with rhetoric," Mihailovich begged the court. "I am a soldier too weary to remember."
Time & again all that he could say was "I don't know" or "I'm not sure."
For three days he sought refuge in scapegoats. He said his aides and subordinates, over whom he had had
no control, had collaborated with the Nazis and received money from the Italians. "With Serbs it is not rare
if every man carries out his own policy," said Mihailovich. But by the fourth day he was too tired. "You
collaborated with the enemy. Is that right?" asked the prosecutor. Mihailovich hung his head and
whispered, "Yes, that is right."
Good Intentions. A low, satisfied murmur swept the crowded, orderly courtroom. But for the rest of the
world the truth was not so easy to distill out of the steaming cauldron of hatred, feuds and rivalries that was
Yugoslavia when Hitler struck. To millions outside who remembered his early heroism, his rescue of U.S.
and British flyers, it was hard to believe Mihailovich a traitor. What, then, was he guilty of?
Conservative, Communist-hating Draja Mihailovich had been the one representative of the Serbian ruling
class strong enough to fight back against Yugoslavia's Nazi invader. But when Hitler turned his guns against
Soviet Russia, Josip Broz, the Communist toolmaker who called himself "Tito," appeared on the scene. To
Mihailovich, the exiled government's official military leader, Tito may have seemed no more than a
rabble-rouser leading a pack of bandits. Mihailovich clearly felt it his duty to unify Yugoslav resistance under his
leadership and to hold his forces in readiness for the day when the Allies struck at the Germans from outside the
country. But Mihailovich failed to liquidate Tito, whose power waxed as the Serb's waned.
As the day approached for Allied invasion, Britain and the U.S. looked in vain to Mihailovich for a unified
resistance. By 1944, wrote British former liaison officer Fitzroy MacLean last week, Tito "was carrying out a
widespread and effective resistance to the Germans, and Mihailovich, however good his intentions, was not. In
those days the military effectiveness of our allies was a far more important consideration than their political
complexion."
When the U.S. and Britain threw their support to Tito, Mihailovich, too weak or too weary to control his
subordinates, turned more & more toward collaboration. His major crime—unpardonable in war and
politics—was failure. "Partisan troops," said Draja Mihailovich last week, "turned out better than I expected."
Find this article at:
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,852848,00.html
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YUGOSLAVIA

987

860H.01/458: Telegram
The Ambassador to the Yugoslav Government in Exile (Biddle) to
the Secretary of State
LONDON, March 30,1943—midnight. [Keceived March 31—3:18 a. m.]
3. Yugoslav Series. British Foreign Office informs me it is today handing note to Yugoslav Government to the following effect: (a) That the British Government was seriously disturbed over developments in Yugoslav affairs and increasingly concerned regarding the future, unless measures were adopted to bring about a greater degree of unity among the resistance elements within Yugoslavia, the Croats, Slovenes and Serbs, and among Yugoslav circles abroad in general, the Government in particular; (b) that as regards the situation inside Yugoslavia, the British Government felt obliged to inform the Yugoslav Government (1) of certain views recently expressed in a speech by General Mihailovic, and to suggest that the Yugoslav Government take the necessary steps at once, to inform the General of his Government's views, and to instruct him to adopt a line more in accord with the attitude both of his own and the British Government; and (2) that unless Mihailovic were prepared to revise his policy vis-a-vis the Italians and his compatriots now resisting the enemy, the British Government might find it necessary to revise its present policy of favoring Mihailovic* to the exclusion of other resistance elements in Yugoslavia.
In connection with the foregoing, the note draws attention to the British Government's recent report from Colonel Bailey, British liaison officer to General Mihailovic, to effect (a) that a virtual state of civil war continued between the forces of Mihailovic and other resistance elements, that in this conflict Mihailovic had associated himself, directly or indirectly, with the Italian occupying forces, that this association had been confirmed by the General himself in an address he had delivered at a local gathering on February 28 (which, on the whole, amounted to a tirade against the western democracies and the Partisans).
The note goes on to summarize the General's speech, of which the following are the main points: (a) That the Serbs were now completely friendless; that the British to suit their own strategic purposes, were pressing them to engage in operations without any intention of helping them, either now or in the future; that the British were trying to purchase Serb blood at the cost of a trivial supply of munitions, that he needed no further contact with the western democracies, whose sole aim was to win the war at the expense of others; (b) that King Peter and his Government were not guests, but virtually prisoners of the British, who were shamelessly violating Yugoslav sovereignty by conducting negotiations on internal Yugoslav problems directly with Moscow; (c) that the hypocritical and anti-Yugoslav activities of the Partisans was a satisfaction for the Allies' lust for fraud; however, nothing the Allies could do or threaten, could divert the Serbs from their vowed and sacred duty of annihilating the Partisans; (d) that as long as the Italians comprised his only adequate source of help generally, nothing the Allies could do would force him to alter his attitude towards them (in this connection see page 2 of my despatch Yugoslav series No. 38, January 2,194342); (e) that his enemies were the Ustashi, the Partisans, the Croats and the Moslems; that when he had dealt with these, he would turn to the Germans and the Italians.
I understand that, while the British Government has no intention to deviate from its past 2 years' policy of supporting Mihailovic in his conflict against the Axis, and of rendering him every possible material help, it feels that the General should be brought to a sense of reality and "pulled up" as a result of his recent outburst. Besides, it feels it could never justify to British public opinion or to Britain's other Allies its continued backing of a movement, whose leader declared publicly that their enemies were his Allies and that his enemies were not the German and Italian invaders, but his fellow Yugoslavs. Should information concerning this declaration reach Soviet ears, Moscow and the Communist press abroad may, to my mind, be expected to exploit it vis-a-vis the Yugoslav Government in light of Mihailovic's position as War Minister, and even as pressure on London to withdraw whatever support Moscow may suspect London is rendering the General.
I furthermore understand that the note is motivated by the hope that it may serve to bring the Yugoslav Government to face squarely the necessity for a greater degree of unity of thought and action,; The conflict in the Cabinet has now resolved itself into an intra-Serb affair between two conceptions of the Serb extremists; the pro-Yugoslav and the pan-Serb.
[BIDDLB]
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:hahaha::dash:

sta s ovim tekstovima...Prvi od jevrejskog komunjare koji velica Tita, i drugi iz Time 46. kada je Tito na vlasti :dash:

Ali iz tog Time-a imamo jasnu sliku o drogiranom Drazi na montiranom procesu, koji ne pamti datume, dogadjaje, odgovara da kada misli ne i obrnuto, sto jasno govori o drogiranju meskalinom....Sve ce to dokazati dokumentarac koji iscekujemo i jos mnogo toga :)

Iz tog istog Time vidimo da je Tito preziveo rat samo zahvaljujuci velikodusnosti Dragoljuba Draze Mihailovica, a da je rat protiv Nemaca otpoceo tek napadom Nemacke na SSSR, do tada je naravno postovao pakt prijateljstva Hitler-Staljin, dok je Draza vec bio poznat kao prvi gerilac okupirane Evrope....

Vama sto se migoljite i nije preostalo nista drugo do clanci iz 46. :mrgreen:

opet izbegavas izvore tih splacina...hehe
 
Poslednja izmena:
Ovako izgleda Time, u jeku rata, kada jos nema politickih igrarija i kada niko ne zna ko je Tito :mrgreen:

1101420525_400.jpg


He clasps the crag with crooked hands . . . he watches from his mountain walls, and like a thunderbolt he falls.

These words, written of an eagle, today are a far better fit for one of the most amazing commanders of World War II. He is Yugoslavia's Draja Mihailovich. Ever since Adolf Hitler vaingloriously announced a year ago that he had conquered Yugoslavia, Draja Mihailovich and his 150,000 guerrillas in the mountains south-west of Belgrade have flung the lie in Hitler's teeth. It has been probably the greatest guerrilla operation in history:

> Last fall Mihailovich kept as many as seven Nazi divisions chasing him through his Sumadija mountains.

> Mihailovich's swarming raiders have preserved an "Island of Freedom", which for a time was 20,000 square miles in area, with a population of 4,000,000.

> Mihailovich's annihilation of Axis detachments, bombing of roads and bridges, breaking of communications and stealing of ammunition have been so widespread that the Nazis had to declare a new state of war in their "conquered" territory.

> Last October the Nazis even asked for peace.

>When Mihailovich refused, they priced his head at $1,000,000.

> When the Nazis desperately needed troops in Russia, they tried to leave Mihailovich to the forces of their Axis partners and stooges. But Italian, Bulgarian and Rumanian soldiers could not deal with him, and the Nazis went back. Only last week the Russians announced that a Nazi division had arrived at Kharkov fresh from Yugoslavia—where it had certainly not been stationed for a rest.

>Mihailovich's example has kept all Yugoslavia in a wild anti-Axis ferment. The Axis has resorted to executing untold thousands, but the revolt continues. Last month the Nazis said they had seized Mihailo-vich's wife, two sons and daughter, threatened to execute all relatives of Mihailovich's army and 16,000 hostages if the General did not surrender within five days. He did not. It is a misfortune that conquered Europe cannot learn detail by detail the effective methods used by the gaunt, hard, bronzed fighter on TIME'S cover (painted by one of his compatriots, Vuch Vuchin-ich—called Vuch, to rhyme with juke). But Draja Mihailovich is completely cut off from the democracies' press, hemmed in by the Axis forces in Yugoslavia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania and Greece. His only direct contact with the world beyond has been through smugglers and a mobile radio transmitter which he concealed somewhere in his mountain fastnesses.

Even so, he has already become the great symbol of the unknown thousands of supposedly conquered Europeans who still resist Adolf Hitler. As he watches from his mountain walls, he stands for every European saboteur who awaits the moment to jam the machine, plant the bomb, or pry up the railroad rail. He has directly inspired others, like Rumanian Patriot Ion Minulescu, who harries the Axis from the Carpathians, and Albanian and Montenegrin guerrillas who worry at Italian flanks on the Adriatic coast.

NASTAVAK

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,766569-2,00.html
 
sudjenje je bilo javno uz prisustvo vise od 100 stranih novinara, sa direktnim prenosom. mihailovic je imao dva branitelja po svom izboru , a ne kao sto ti tvrdis da mu je sud dodelio.

OPTUZENI MIHAILOVIC DRAGOLJUB – DRAZA i njegovi cetnicki komandanti po
njegovim naredjenjima i direktivama izvrsili su masovnim zahvatima u tzv. ciscenjima
terena, zatim putem letecih brigada i crnih trojki u toku citavog rata i okupacije bezbrojne
ratne zlocine nad narodom u svim krajevima Jugoslavije. Tako su u novembru 1941.
godine cetnici streljali u selu Brajicima, u mestu zvanim Drenov Vuk, oko 500
zarobljenih partizana i njihovih porodica.
Optuzeni Mihailovic je u noci izmedju 13. i 14. novembra 1941. godine, tj. iste noci kada
se sastao sa gestapovcem, kapetanom Matlom, naredio svom komandantu Daki
Tesmanovicu da oko 365 zarobljenih partizana preda srpskoj drzavnoj strazi u Selu
Slovac, iako je morao znati da ce ih srpska drzavna straza postreljati ili predati Nemcima,
to je i ucinjeno tako da ih je Tesamanovic predao Jovanu Skavi, a ovaj Nemcima. Nemci
su od ovih predatih partizana streljali oko 270, a ostale oterali u logore.
Pocetkom novembra 1941. godine, Mihailovicev komandant Ajdacic zaklao je 13
partizanskih simpatizera u blizini Kosjerica na mjestu zvanom Ridovi, medju kojima i
uciteljicu Jelenu Subic-Gmizovic i Milevu Kosovac, koje su cetnici, pre nego sto su ih
zaklali, silovali i unakazili usijanim gvozdjem.
4. novembra 1941. godine cetnici su ubili blizu Ravne gore oko 30 partizana, koje su bili
na prevaru zarobili, medju kojima je bilo 18 devojaka, koje su bile upucene u Uzice za
bolnicarke.
U decembru 1941. godine u pozeskom srezu mesoviti nemacko-cetnicki sud u jedan
mah osudio je na smrt 12 pristalica partizana.
U decembru mesecu 1941. i tokom januara 1942. godine, cetnici su poklali preko
2000 muslimana - ljudi, zena i dece iz okoline Foce, Gorazda i Cajnica. Klanja su
vrsili na mostovima na Drini u Foci i Gorzadu.
U toku decembra 1942. godine i tokom cele 1942. godine, Mihilovicevi
"legalizovani" cetnici pohapsili su i predali Nemcima u raznim krajevima Srbije
hiljade pristalica partizana, koje su Nemci streljali u logorima na Banjici, Nisu,
Uzicu, Cacku i drugim mestima, a pored toga sami cetnici su poubijali hiljade
pristalica partizana, opljackali mnoga sela, batinali hiljade ljudi, a veliki broj zena i
devojaka iz partizanskih porodica silovali.
Prvog aprila 1942. godine, cetnici Rada Radica pobili su u Josavki 20 ranjenih partizana,
medju njima i tesko ranjenog narodnog heroja dr. Mladena Stojanovica.
Aprila meseca 1942. godine cetnici Lazara Tesakovica i Rada Radica (koji su se tada bili
stavili pod komandu Mihailovicevog kapetana Racica) ubili su 70 partizana.
Krajem aprila 1942. godine, Spasoje Dakic, komandant Mihailovicevih bataljona u
Celebicu, ubio je engleskog majora Terensa Atertona, njegovog radiotelegrafistu i
jednog engleskog narednika.
Juna 1942. godine cetnici su u okolini Gacka u selu Izgorima zapalili bolnicu sa 10 teskih
partizanskih ranjenika.
Juna 1942. godine, Mihailovicev odred pod komandom kapetana Vladimira Djukica
izveo je iz zatvora u Niksicu 25 pristalica narodnooslobodilackog pokreta i zajedno
sa Italijanima su ih streljali.
Avgusta meseca 1942. godine, Mihailovicev komandant Bacovic ubio je simpatizere
narodnooslobodilackog pokreta Rada Pravicu, Toma Galena, Jovu Ljubibratica, Budimira
Hiropina i Tasu Kosorica.
Avgusta meseca 1942. godine Mihailovicevi cetnici pod komandom Petra Bacovica,
prilikom zauzeca Foce, zaklali su u Foci i u selima koja se skupa nazivaju Bukovica
oko 1000 lica muslimanske veroispovesti, medju kojima je bilo oko 300 zena, dece i
staraca.
Avgusta meseca 1942. godine, na terenu oko Ustikoline i Jahorine (istocna Bosna),
Mihailovicevi cetnici pod komandom majora Zaharija Ostojica i Petra Bacovica,
zaklali su oko 2500 lica muslimanske veroispovesti, a sela popalili.
Septembra meseca 1942. godine cetnici Petra Bacovica ubili su u Makarskoj 900
Hrvata, nekoliko katolickih svecenika odrali i 17 sela zapalili.
Oktobra 1942. godine cetnici Petra Bacovica ubili su u okolini Prozora zajedno sa
Italijanima, kojima je komandovao italijanski porucnik Vidjak, oko 2500
muslimana i Hrvata, medju kojima je bilo zena, dece i staraca, a veliki broj sela
popalili.
U oktobru 1942. godine, cetnici Petra Bacovica ubili su u selima Gatu, Nikolice i
Cislu u Dalmaciji, zajedno sa Italijanima, 109 Hrvata simpatizera
narodnooslobodilackog pokreta.
U jesen 1942. godine u Dreznici (Hercegovina) cetnici iz okoline Gacka pri pohodu na
Prozor zaklali su oko 100 lica muslimanske veroispovesti.
Januara 1943. godine zaklao je major Cvetic 16 zarobljenih partizana u okolini Uzica;
Janura 1943. godine, pod komandom Komarcevica, Mihailovicevi cetnici su zaklali 72
partizana u srezu posavskom.
Januara meseca 1943. godine, cetnici Pavla Djurisica ubili su u srezu bjelopoljskom oko
400 muskaraca i oko 1000 zena i dece muslimanske veroispovesti.
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U februaru mesecu 1943. godine, cetnici pod komandom Zaharija Ostojica, Petra
Bacovica, Pavla Djurisica, Voje Lukacevica, Vuka Kalatovica i drugih, u srezovima
pljevljanskom, cajnickom i focanskom, zaklali su 1200 muskaraca i 8000 staraca, zena i
dece, opljackali i potom spalili 2000 domova.
Polovinom jula 1943. godine u selu Cikoti (Istocna Bosna) cetnici su otkrili 80 ranjenika
Prve proleterske divizije, oduzeli im oruzje i sutra dan doveli Nemce koji su ih poubijali,
a sutra dan i spalili.
Polovinom juna 1943. godine, u toku Pete neprijateljske ofanzive, cetnici su klali
partizanske ranjenike sa Sutjeske, pa su tada zaklali u selu Jelecu i Vrbnici dr. Simu
Milosevica i hrvatskog pesnika Ivana Gorana Kovacica.
Jula 1943. godine u Visini (Birac) cetnici su otkrili ranjenike Prve i Druge proleterske
brigade i izdali ih Nemcima koji su ih poubijali.
Decembra 1943. godine, cetnicki komandant major Petricevic streljao je u Kolasinu 28
zarobljenih partizana i sest seljaka pristalica partizana.
Decembra meseca 1943. godine cetnicki komandant Zivan Lazovic zaklao je u selu
Selevcu 15 seljaka pristalica partizana.
Decembra 1943. godine zaklali su cetnici u okolini Bosanskog Grahova 137 zarobljenih
partizana.
Decembra 1943. godine zaklali su cetnici u selu Ticevu kod Drvara 28 zarobljenih
partizana.
U drugom dijelu presude govori se o zlocinima koje je pocinio Stevan Moljevic, osudjen
na kaznu od 20 godina lisenja slobode sa prinudnim radom.
Sve pocinjene zlocine cetnici su izvrsili na temelju naredbi Draze Mihailovica i njegovih
komandanata u toku Drugog svjetskog rata. Evo jedne, koja je izdata 20. decembra 1941.
god, a koju je Vladimir Dedijer objavio u Politici 10. novembra 1981. godine iz drzavnog
arhiva SFRJ:
Drazino naredjenje o nacinu stvaranju Velike Jugoslavije i u njoj velike Srbije
Ciljevi nasih odreda jesu:
1. Borba za slobodu celokupnog naseg naroda pod skriptom NJ. V. Petra 2. Stvoriti
Veliku Jugoslaviju i u njoj Veliku Srbiju, etnicki cistu, u granicama Srbije, Crne Gore,
Bosne i Hercegovine, Srema i Backe
3. Borba za ukljucivanje u nas drzavni zivot i svih neoslobodjenih slovenackih teritorija
pod Italijanima i Nemcima (Trst, Gorica, Istra i Koruska), kao Bugarske i severne
Albanije sa Skadrom
4. Ciscenje drzavne teritorije od svih nacionalnih manjina i nenacionalnih elemenata
5. Stvoriti neposredne zajednicke granice izmedju Srbije i Crne Gore, kao izmedju Srbije
i Slovenije, ciscenjem Sandzaka od muslimanskog i Bosne i Hercegovine od
muslimanskog i hrvatskog zivlja
6. Kazniti sve ustase i muslimane koji su u tragicnim danima nemilosrdno unistavali nas
narod
7. Kazniti sve one koji su krivi za nasu aprilsku katastrofu
8. U krajevima ociscenim od narodnih manjina i nenacionalnih elemenata, izvrsiti
naseljavanje Crnogoraca (u obzir dolaze siromasne nacionalno ispravne porodice)
9. Osiguranje jednog takvog politickog tela koje ce voditi drzavni brod smerom opstih
narodnih teznji i interesa
10. Ciljevi su ogromni, zato je borba toliko zahvalnija za one koji se bore za njeno
ostvarivanje.
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Monday, Dec. 14, 1942
YUGOSLAVIA: Mihailovich Eclipsed

"They emerged like cats from everywhere, knives between their teeth. Flares did not frighten them. They broke into our right flank. Then the terrible thing happened that froze the blood of all of us. ... Men, women and children flung themselves into the attack."

Thus wrote a German war correspondent. He was not describing Allied Commandos, or even Russian guerrillas. He was talking about Yugoslavia's Partisans, who, he added, "are not wild hordes, but strictly organized units which print their own newspapers in the forests and manufacture their own bombs and munitions."

The emergence of the Partisans last week as the main anti-Axis force in the Balkans opened a new phase in the complicated, triangular Civil War that has alternately smoldered and flamed in Yugoslavia ever since the German invasion nearly two years ago. The Partisans had organized an army and a state; they were operating on a front 100 miles long and had already destroyed one Nazi Panzer column.

Mihailovich the Chetnilc. Misled by previous reports, many a U.S. citizen had come to identify General Draja Mihailovich and his Chetniks with the resistance of the peoples of Europe to Nazi invaders.* By last week it was clear that the Partisans had eclipsed Mihailovich. Axis military communiques referred consistently to the resistance of the Partisans, rarely mentioned Mihailovich. As might be expected, Axis propaganda described the Partisans as cutthroats, Communists and bandits. In London Yugoslav officials connected with the Government in exile used the same epithets.

In November 1941, General Mihailovich's heterogeneous band suffered a serious defeat near Valjevo at the hands of German mechanized columns. The Chetnik Army splintered. Whole units under Mihailovich's former subordinates, Gjayitch and Drenovich, joined the Italians. Others went back to their farms. Mihailovich himself retired to relative inactivity somewhere in Montenegro, avoiding action except for a sharp attack last June against a Partisan army fighting the Italians in southern Montenegro. Montenegrin Partisans charge that in certain instances Mihailovich collaborated with the Italians.

Nagy the Partisan. Those Chetniks who wanted to continue active resistance filtered through the lines and joined a Partisan band under the command of 32-year-old Kosta Nagy. Nagy was not an amateur. As commander of a Croat machine-gun battalion of Republican Spain's International Brigade, Nagy had made a name by holding a position on the Ebro for weeks in spite of persistent attacks by Fascist units far better equipped.

The composite army under Nagy called itself the Partisans of Bosanska Krajina and became the largest and most active of half a dozen Partisan groups who fought steadily and bitterly against the Germans and Italians all through the year.

The Bosanska Krajina Partisans created a tiny state in the wedge-shaped area in Croatia bounded by the towns of Glamoch, Drvar, Petrovach, Kljuch and Donji Vakuf. They prepared systematically for major military operations. They trained their ever-growing armies, not for pinprick sabotage, but for a major campaign to drive the Axis from Yugoslavia.

They prepared politically by adopting democratic methods almost unprecedented in the Balkans. Town councils were elected by ballot. Medical services were instituted under the direction of famous Belgrade Professor Sima Miloshevich. Theaters were opened in the liberated territory, featuring well-known actors and the entire orchestra of the Zagreb National Theater, which had joined the Partisans. The new State had a Foreign Office, though only one foreign diplomat was present: Ivan Lebedyev, onetime counsellor of the Russian legation in Belgrade, who fled to Montenegro last year and is now Moscow's liaison officer with the Partisans.

In the liberated areas Partisan money is circulated, and so strong is the influence of the new State among the Croat peasants that in certain areas east of Ljubjlana Italian occupation authorities cannot buy food with lire, but have to use bons issued by the Partisans. The liberated area has a radio station, audible in Switzerland, whose English-language newscasts come over in a sharp Yankee accent.

Slogan of the new State: "Freedom for All Peoples; Death to Fascism." It advocates the creation of a federation of equal States modeled after Switzerland. The impoverished peasants of Yugoslavia—Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Montenegrins and Hungarians, Christians and Moslems—have shown an increasing preference for the Partisans. They have deserted Mihailovich, who works for a greater Serbia, the Fascist Ustachi, who want a greater Croatia, and the Serbian collaborationists under the quisling General Milan Neditch.

Civil War. The day General Sir Bernard Law Montgomery's Eighth Army began pounding Marshal Erwin Rommel's Afrika Korps in El Alamein, the Partisans of Bosanska Krajina moved northward down the jagged valleys of the Dinarian Alps to the outskirts of the Zagreb basin in Croatia. From the Valebit Mountains in Dalmatia a second force, called the Partisans of Lika, moved to meet them. From the northeast came a third army of Croat irregulars.

By the time Rommel's lines were shattered, the three Partisan armies had joined forces, under a unified command, and re-christened themselves the "Army of National Liberation." They organized the first continuous front in this irregular war—an arc about 100 miles long running from Slunj to Sitnica—and moved westward, sweeping one village after another from the surprised Germans and the Fascist Ustachi.

By last week, when the German occupation authorities realized what was happening, the new army had wrested a dozen towns and 50 villages from them, had advanced an even 50 miles into the Zagreb basin and created a solid liberated area a little larger than Connecticut.

New Government. Last week in the town of Bihatch, capital of the liberated area, 53 delegates from all over Yugoslavia met and elected as President of the Assembly Ivan Ribar, a Croat Catholic lawyer, member of the Serbo-Croat Democratic Party and son of the first President of the National Constitutional Assembly which met in 1918 to organize the State which became Yugoslavia.

This provisional government represented anti-Axis forces from all over the country and controlled an army estimated to be 200,000 to 300,000 strong. Neither the army nor the government is "Communist" or "bandit," though some of the leaders, particularly in the army, are Communists. The National Liberation movement is mainly peasant in character, and includes many members of the Serbo-Croat Democratic Party and other peasant organizations—Croat, Serb and Slovene.

The first act of the provisional government was to send telegrams to President Roosevelt and Premiers Churchill and Stalin.

*Many a TIME reader nominated General Milhailovich for Man of the Year (TIME, Dec. 7).


http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,774092,00.html
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slava mu je bila pokisla vec 1942 godine.......................
 
Djeneral Draza Mihajlovic najodlikovaniji srpski oficir u istoriji, koji sluzi na cast srpskom narodu.[/QUOTE]
Ma niko ne spori odlikovanja Mihailovicu. Njemu je sporna ratna saradnja sa Nemcima, brojni zlocini nad civilima ali i brojna stradanja partizana od cetnicke ruke. Jedna je stvar politika a druga stvarno delovanje. Ovu temu gura marginalni SPO. Istoricari se takodje razlikuju u oceni. Sto je manje zivih svedoka zlocina to Draza postaje sve veci antifasista. Kamo srece da je tako i bilo.
 
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kiseli1:
[img=http://fileserver7.jpghosting.com/images/tn_mihailovic_762f2bf2c0d39b3c2d5511ccde3f9171.jpg]

i stigao je vec 1941 da se sastane sa nemcima, ali ne da trazi njihovu predaju , nego municiju, i da im objasni da nema nista protiv njih..........
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ogranicen si pa ne shvatas svrhu ovih stripova i filmova :mrgreen:

Imamo mi sve, a ako su istorijske cinjenice na necijoj strani, onda su na nasoj, srpskoj :D

Reci cu ti koja je tvoja boljka, dok su Srbi poznati kao junaci kroz citavu svoju istoriju, a njihovo herojstvo iz I sv.rata nikad zaboravljeno, dok je Draza sa svojom Jugoslovesnkom vojskom ostao upamcen kao prvi gerilac okupirane evrope, o Hrvati se pisalo kao o nevidjenim zlocincima nad cijim su se zlocinima zgrazavali i najgori....


Sto se tice tvog standardnog lupetanja, nicim argumentovanim, kao i uvek...

Ahaaaa :hahaha: iste one godine kada su za Drazom raspisali poternicu, dok jos niko ne zna za crvenog ustasu

2V.jpg




A poternici je prethodila Операција „Михаиловић“ (4-9.12.1941.)

:mrgreen:
 
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Četnici su gori deo srpske tradicije
Pravo je, naravno, svakog da reaguje na tekst koji mu se ne dopada, ali je pri tom potrebno da koristi valjanu argumentaciju za svoje kritičke primedbe. Reagujući na moj članak "Povampirenje 'Čiče'" čitalac Tihomir Ilić ne samo da ne navodi argumente kojima bi oborio moju tezu da su četnici bili kolaboracionisti i kvislinzi, nego je potpuno promašio temu imputirajući mi ono što uopšte nisam napisao. Tako on smatra da moj tekst predstavlja "iskopavanje ratnih sekira" jer se, navodno, uključujem u "večnu temu odnosa između partizana i četnika", te da sam se "raspisao slično nekadašnjim ratnim partizanskim komesarima koji su pokušavali da nakljukaju čitaoce zidnih novina klasičnom propagandom protiv klasnog neprijatelja". Onaj ko je pažljivo pročitao moj tekst mogao se, međutim, uveriti da partizane uopšte ne pominjem (osim tamo gde citiram izjavu samog kralja Petra Drugog iz 1944. godine) već pišem isključivo o Gurovićevom istorijskom nepoznavanju zločinačkih dela četničkih formacija na tlu Srbije, Hrvatske (prevashodno Dalmacije), Bosne i Crne Gore u periodu 1942-1945). Štaviše, jasno ističem upravo neideološki pristup ovom pitanju, jer zločin je zločin ma ko ga činio, a istina je istina ma kako (za neke) bila bolna i neprijatna.
T. I., međutim, upravo pokušava suprotno: da relativizuje zločin i smesti sve u ideološki okvir navodeći da ni "partizani nisu tako beli kao što se predstavljaju", kao da će činjenica da su i partizanske jedinice činile zločine umanjiti nesporne zločine četnika! Neshvatljiva logika! T. I. me valjda drži za kakvog učesnika partizanskog pokreta otpora pa mi savetuje "da pogledam prvo u svoje dvorište". Rođen sam daleko posle Drugog svetskog rata, kao student imao sam dosta kritičkih opaski na taj režim (pisao sam o tome) pre svega u odnosu na opresiju prema ideji slobodnog političkog udruživanja i slobodnog izražavanja misli. Ali zbog takvih svojih ideja (koje su vremenom sazrele u ideje o potrebi izgradnje sekularnog, demokratskog i slobodnog civilnog društva, oslobođenog straha i nasilja) ni onda, a ni sada, nije mi padalo na pamet da veličam "kraljevsku vojsku u otadžbini" kada su dokumenta, na koja sam nailazio tragajući po arhivama u raznim prilikama, nedvosmisleno govorila o njenoj kvislinškoj i zločinačkoj prirodi. Slično je i sa generalom Nedićem i njegovim nacističkim slugeranjstvom koje je pravdao tobožnjim "interesima srpstva", a u stvari na hiljade Srba, Roma i Jevreja pobijeno je u zloglasnim Vujkovićevim logorima smrti na Banjici i Starom sajmištu. Mihajlović se doduše čuvao ovakve otvorene kolaboracije, bio je direktno sukobljen sa Nedićem (koji je formiranjem kvislinške srpske države pod nacističkim patronatom napustio jugoslovensku opciju) i u propagandnom smislu činio je sve da svoje formacije učini navodno "jugoslovenskim" (ta zaboga 1942. će postati ministar vojni u jugoslovenskoj kraljevskoj vladi u egzilu), pa je formirao i nekakve bedne desetine sastavljene od Slovenaca i Hrvata (jedan od hrvatskih četničkih komandanata je bio izvesni Zvonimir Vučković, komandant tzv. Prvog ravnogorskog korpusa čije se ime vezuje za spasavanje 500 američkih pilota u Pranjanima, što je jedini stvarni doprinos četnika savezničkoj borbi protiv Nemaca). Ali zato je bez zazora sarađivao sa nemačko-italijanskim snagama, naročito na Neretvi u periodu zima-proleće 1943. godine kada ga Italijani i Nemci snabdevaju provijantom, oružjem čak i prevozom (npr. od Metkovića do Knina). Nemački general Paul Bader nije bio zadovoljan svojim saveznikom Mihajlovićem i u svom izveštaju piše Berlinu da su četnici "leglo kukavica i nesposobnjakovića". Ocena generala Aleksandra fon Lera bila je još poraznija po Mihajlovićeve oficirske kvalitete: "Snage generala Mihajlovića nisu položile ispit, a on sam nije dobro procenio ni vreme ni mesto, ni teren iako su mu naše komande išle naruku". Upravo te 1943. godine, u jesen, počela je u zapadni svet da prodire istina o stvarnoj prirodi četničkog pokreta. Slavljen početkom 1942. kao "jedini gerilac u porobljenoj Evropi" dogurao je godinu i po dana docnije do toga da ga je sama kraljevska vlada smenila sa mesta "ministra vojnog u Otadžbini", a naredne, pod snagom činjenica, odriče ga se i sam kralj. Od prvobitne a la grande zamišljene ideologije "spasa Jugoslavije" (odmetnuti se na planinu, reorganizovati kraljevsku vojsku, ne priznati kapitulaciju zemlje, uspostaviti kontakt sa izbeglom vladom i mladim kraljem, boriti se protiv Nemaca i Italijana, dokazati jugoslovenski karakter nove vojske, pregovarati i sa partizanskim pokretom koji se u međuvremenu formirao, te zajedničkim snagama osloboditi zemlju) nastala je ideologija prvo pasivnosti, čekanja, neodlučnosti, a onda sukoba sa partizanskim jedinicama koje su hrabro i beskompromisno uletale u sukobe sa Nemcima, da bi na kraju postala ideologija najotvorenije izdaje i prolivanja bratovske krvi. Nepostojanje čvrste organizacije i komande nad svim jedinicama, izbegavanje borbi i čekanje, uzrokovali su nedisciplinu u jedinicama. Bahata ponašanja, ubijanje pripadnika sopstvenog naroda iz najrazličitijih pobuda, od političkih do onih iz sfere najintimnijeg (bilo im je svejedno, naime, da li ubijaju "komunističkog provokatora" ili muža mlade snaše koju bi da obrlate). I danas o tome pričaju seljaci širom Srbije. Savetujem uvaženom T. I.-u da obiđe svoju zemlju i upozna na licu mesta još vidljiv krvavi trag koji su u njoj ostavile četničke horde zla. I sada bi takvi da primaju državne penzije! Da li će penziju primiti i ravnogorac koji je u jesen 1944. na obroncima Deli Jovana u rudniku "Rusman" zajedno sa svojom družinom zaklao 164 srpskih mladića i devojaka samo zato što su javno izjavljivali da žele da se bore protiv Nemaca i da jedva čekaju da iz Bugarske umarširaju sovjetske trupe i krenu na Berlin?
Hoće li u penziji uživati i onaj preživeli četnik koji je sa svojim "trojkama" zaklao 39 ranjenih partizanskih boraca sa nekoliko bolničara u selu Donja Skakava? Pri tom ništa nije značilo što su svi ranjenici do jednog bili srpske nacionalnosti. Milosti nisu imali, mržnja je bila veća. Pročitajte dragi T. I. zapisnike sa suđenja Draži Mihajloviću, svedočenja žrtava, uglavnom Srba, seljaka i domaćina, kako Vi volite da kažete, pa ćete, verujem, revidirati svoje apologetske stavove o ovim razularenim formacijama.
Tačno je da je Hari Truman posmrtno odlikovao Dražu Mihajlovića, ali je to bilo u doba hladnog rata, "gvozdene zavese", kada su odnosi između Jugoslavije i SAD bili zategnuti (naročito nakon rušenja američkog aviona U-2 1946. godine, nad našom teritorijom) kada je politički oportunitet u svakom slučaju bio jači od istorijskih činjenica. Pa čak i takvo čisto politikantsko odlikovanje dodeljeno je nakon lobiranja emigrantskih pročetničkih krugova koji su imali određen uticaj na Kapitol Hilu. Da je, međutim, predsednik Truman znao da je četnički koljač sa ratnim nadimkom "Požarevac" na posleratnom suđenju sam priznao i sa slašću u detalje objasnio kako je zaklao dva američka i dva engleska pilota samo zbog lepih kožnih odela koja su na sebi imali, sigurno je da odlikovanja "vrhovnom komandantu" takvog "vojnika" ne bi bilo.
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Verovatno je da su i partizanske jedinice činile izvesne zločine. Svaki zločin je za osudu. Pa ako je ideologija razlog za činjenje zločina, njihovo rasvetljavanje i kažnjavanje počinilaca ne sme imati ideološke primese. Istorijska fakta nedvosmisleno dokazuju: četnički zločin je sistematski, on je stil tih grupacija uveliko osamostaljenih od glavnih komandnih štabova; kod partizana je sporadičan i uvek, kada god je otkriven, oštro je sankcionisan od partizanskih vlasti. Ne može se partizanskim jedinicama pripisivati u zločin Sremski front, jer je to bila ključna operacija za definitivno oslobođenje zemlje i progon Nemaca preko Dunava. Žrtve su bile ogromne, mladići neiskusni, ali danas govoriti o tome da je neko namerno žrtvovao "srpsku mladost" znači ne samo pasti u zamku nacionalističke retorike o vatikansko-kominternovskoj zaveri protiv srpskog naroda, nego više od svega predstavlja greh prema istini, prema porodicama žrtava. Naprotiv, ti srpski, hrvatski i mladići drugih nacionalnosti, koji su bili seljaci, radnici, činovnici, trgovci, svakako različitih ideoloških opredeljenja, zajednički su dali ogroman doprinos oslobođenju zemlje. To se mora poštovati. Stavljati te borce u ideološki kontekst (četnici-partizani) najobičniji je politikantizam i služenje "nacionalnom" kao jedinom kriterijumu istine.
Ono, pak, što se posle rata dogodilo u Beogradu i drugim gradovima, tj. neosnovani progoni ljudi koji nisu bili krivi za ratne zločine nego su hapšeni i streljani na osnovu nepouzdanih informacija ili pak kao samovoljan akt pojedinih osamostaljenih partizanskih komesara van svake kontrole - zločin je kao i svaki drugi zločin i nikako ne sme biti ideološki opravdavan. Ali, ponavljam, četnički zločin zbog ovoga nije ništa manji, pa verujem da ćemo se barem oko toga složiti.
I nije uvek nevolja, uvaženi T. I.-u, to što danas mnogi insistiraju na odbrani tradicije srpskog naroda, nego što, poput Vas, uvek brane i biraju najgore delove te tradicije.
Z. M.
http://www.republika.co.yu/350-351/26.html
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THE RAPE OF SERBIA The British Role in Tito's Grab for Power, 1943-1944. By Michael Lees

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He documents how James Klugmann, a Communist, and Basil Davidson, a self-described leftist, both stationed in the Cairo headquarters of the Special Operations Executive, systematically discredited Mihailovic while undermining British material support for his forces. Their methods included manipulating battle maps and messages from the field, and attributing successful Chetnik military actions to the Partisans.

http://www.nytimes.com/1991/02/10/books/a-coffin-for-mihailovic.html

________________________________________________________________


Isto dokazuje i David Martin, u svojoj knjizi ALLY BETRAYED

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Dajuci odgovor na pitanje Why did Churchill say of Jugoslavia, "I was deceived and badly informed."

___________________________________________________________________


Pa opet veliki David Martin

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In his 1990 book THE WEB OF DISINFORMATION: CHURCHILL'S YUGOSLAV BLUNDER, David Martin fully uncovered the tragic tale "found in secret British files that were only recenty and inadvertently declassified. He reveals that Churchill and others were deceived- by Communist moles and sypathizers who had infiltrated the military intelligence services. The prime mover was the famous Cambridge spy set that included Kim Philby, Guy Burgess, Donald Macclean and "Sir" Anthony Blunt. Martin names the "Fifth Man": James Klugman, most brilliant mole of them all."
 
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