gost 401905
Elita
- Poruka
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Imam utisak da ovaj clanak u velikoj meri odslikava stavove i razmisljanja SAD o Balkanu, problemima i mogucim resenjema, posebno o ponudjenoj razmeni teritorija.
Veci deo clanka analizara moguce posledice razmene teritorija, moguce sukobe na Kosovu, posledice po Srbe na jugu Kosova, moguce sukobe u Makedoniji, gde bi siptari mogli da se odvoje, i u BIH, ako bi RS zelela da se odvoji.
Autor je pre svega za ocuvanje sadasnjih granica, a ako bi se islo u razmenu teritorija, postavio bi sledece uslove.
https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/09/04/how-to-restart-war-in-the-balkans/
Prvo, razmenu teritorija sa Kosovom usloviti reformama u BiH, sa ciljem da BiH postane funkcionalnija.
Drugo, svaka razmena teritorija moze da se dogodi samo ako postoji "vecina manjina", tj. ako vecina onih koji nisu obuhvaceni razmenom teritorija zele da ostanu gde jesu.
Trece, Srbija mora da se obaveze, da nece ometati proces prikljucivanja EU drugim drzavama na Balkanu.
Veci deo clanka analizara moguce posledice razmene teritorija, moguce sukobe na Kosovu, posledice po Srbe na jugu Kosova, moguce sukobe u Makedoniji, gde bi siptari mogli da se odvoje, i u BIH, ako bi RS zelela da se odvoji.
Autor je pre svega za ocuvanje sadasnjih granica, a ako bi se islo u razmenu teritorija, postavio bi sledece uslove.
https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/09/04/how-to-restart-war-in-the-balkans/
How to Restart War in the Balkans
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If the parties nonetheless insist on making territorial exchange the centerpiece of their negotiations, then the United States and Germany can work together contain the consequences. These three conditions will make even the most short-sighted proponent of a territorial swap to think through the implications:
First, there can be no deal on swapping Kosovo territory until negotiations on the Dayton Agreement Constitution for Bosnia are reopened and concluded. The West cannot afford to allow a reckless deal on Kosovo to destabilize the country that saw the bloodiest fighting. Belgrade, which is a co-signatory of the Dayton Agreement, must first engage with its Serb brethren and guide them to negotiating the long-awaited fundamental reforms that will finally make Bosnia functional.
Second, the parties must accept the principle that no territorial exchange can occur without a “majority of the minorities,” that is, a referendum requiring majority approval by those left behind under a proposed territorial swap.
Third, there must be extraordinary arrangements for new EU entrants, like Serbia, that prevent it from impeding the entry of any other state in the region. It is imperative that Belgrade not be in a position to renege on pledges to Kosovo, which will not be in a position to join the EU for many years. The EU will also have to insist that the five members that don’t recognize Kosovo will do so in the wake of a Belgrade-Pristina territorial swap.
No one should insist that the peoples of the Balkans have to like each other or even that they have to live with each other. But if leaders pursue territorial separation as a way of overcoming conflict, they must do so in a way that will not create even more problems.
Prvo, razmenu teritorija sa Kosovom usloviti reformama u BiH, sa ciljem da BiH postane funkcionalnija.
Drugo, svaka razmena teritorija moze da se dogodi samo ako postoji "vecina manjina", tj. ako vecina onih koji nisu obuhvaceni razmenom teritorija zele da ostanu gde jesu.
Trece, Srbija mora da se obaveze, da nece ometati proces prikljucivanja EU drugim drzavama na Balkanu.