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Tijekom rata u svim akcijama (uključivši i Daleki Istok) izgubljeno je 4 735 bombardera B-17 od toga pretežni dio u Europi. Oko 250 000 zrakoplovaca letjelo je na bombarderima B-17, a ranjeno je, poginulo ili nestalo njih oko 46 500.Mnogi su uspjeli preživjeti pad zrakoplova i bili zarobljeni. Diljem Europe kao i na našim prostorima, njihovo spašavanje događalo se u pozadini frontnih linija gdje se vodila bitka za spas ljudskih života, nepoznatih prijatelja. U najviše slučajeva spasioci su bili naši obični ljudi, koji su savezničke zrakoplovce primali u svoje kuće, nudili im komadić kruha, liječili rane i skrivali ih u bunkerima do uspostave veze s partizanima. Na našim neokupiranim područjima u Istri, Gorskom Kotaru i otoku Krku poznato je najmanje 30 mjesta gdje su padali Saveznički zrakoplovci, a spašeno ih je više od 200 kojima je pružena pomoć.
Samo na Visu je spašeno oko 2000 savezničkih avijatičara....
Četnici su spasili samo manji dio od ukupnog broja oborenih pilota u Jugoslaviji.
...beskrajni izlivi zahvalnosti, kako spasenih pilota, tako i njihovih porodica, potomaka...ceo zivot posvecen borbi za istinu, knjige, film u pripremi...
otuda za partizane nema beskrajnih izliva zahvalnosti, kako spasenih pilota, tako i njihovih porodica, potomaka...nema knjiga, nema filmova...
utesna nagrada





Monday, Dec. 14, 1942
Mihailovich Eclipsed
"They emerged like cats from everywhere, knives between their teeth. Flares did not frighten them. They broke into our right flank. Then the terrible thing happened that froze the blood of all of us. ... Men, women and children flung themselves into the attack."
Thus wrote a German war correspondent. He was not describing Allied Commandos, or even Russian guerrillas. He was talking about Yugoslavia's Partisans, who, he added, "are not wild hordes, but strictly organized units which print their own newspapers in the forests and manufacture their own bombs and munitions."
The emergence of the Partisans last week as the main anti-Axis force in the Balkans opened a new phase in the complicated, triangular Civil War that has alternately smoldered and flamed in Yugoslavia ever since the German invasion nearly two years ago. The Partisans had organized an army and a state; they were operating on a front 100 miles long and had already destroyed one Nazi Panzer column.
Mihailovich the Chetnilc. Misled by previous reports, many a U.S. citizen had come to identify General Draja Mihailovich and his Chetniks with the resistance of the peoples of Europe to Nazi invaders.* By last week it was clear that the Partisans had eclipsed Mihailovich. Axis military communiques referred consistently to the resistance of the Partisans, rarely mentioned Mihailovich. As might be expected, Axis propaganda described the Partisans as cutthroats, Communists and bandits. In London Yugoslav officials connected with the Government in exile used the same epithets.
In November 1941, General Mihailovich's heterogeneous band suffered a serious defeat near Valjevo at the hands of German mechanized columns. The Chetnik Army splintered. Whole units under Mihailovich's former subordinates, Gjayitch and Drenovich, joined the Italians. Others went back to their farms. Mihailovich himself retired to relative inactivity somewhere in Montenegro, avoiding action except for a sharp attack last June against a Partisan army fighting the Italians in southern Montenegro. Montenegrin Partisans charge that in certain instances Mihailovich collaborated with the Italians.
Nagy the Partisan. Those Chetniks who wanted to continue active resistance filtered through the lines and joined a Partisan band under the command of 32-year-old Kosta Nagy. Nagy was not an amateur. As commander of a Croat machine-gun battalion of Republican Spain's International Brigade, Nagy had made a name by holding a position on the Ebro for weeks in spite of persistent attacks by Fascist units far better equipped.
The composite army under Nagy called itself the Partisans of Bosanska Krajina and became the largest and most active of half a dozen Partisan groups who fought steadily and bitterly against the Germans and Italians all through the year.
The Bosanska Krajina Partisans created a tiny state in the wedge-shaped area in Croatia bounded by the towns of Glamoch, Drvar, Petrovach, Kljuch and Donji Vakuf. They prepared systematically for major military operations. They trained their ever-growing armies, not for pinprick sabotage, but for a major campaign to drive the Axis from Yugoslavia.
They prepared politically by adopting democratic methods almost unprecedented in the Balkans. Town councils were elected by ballot. Medical services were instituted under the direction of famous Belgrade Professor Sima Miloshevich. Theaters were opened in the liberated territory, featuring well-known actors and the entire orchestra of the Zagreb National Theater, which had joined the Partisans. The new State had a Foreign Office, though only one foreign diplomat was present: Ivan Lebedyev, onetime counsellor of the Russian legation in Belgrade, who fled to Montenegro last year and is now Moscow's liaison officer with the Partisans.
In the liberated areas Partisan money is circulated, and so strong is the influence of the new State among the Croat peasants that in certain areas east of Ljubjlana Italian occupation authorities cannot buy food with lire, but have to use bons issued by the Partisans. The liberated area has a radio station, audible in Switzerland, whose English-language newscasts come over in a sharp Yankee accent.
Slogan of the new State: "Freedom for All Peoples; Death to Fascism." It advocates the creation of a federation of equal States modeled after Switzerland. The impoverished peasants of Yugoslavia—Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Montenegrins and Hungarians, Christians and Moslems—have shown an increasing preference for the Partisans. They have deserted Mihailovich, who works for a greater Serbia, the Fascist Ustachi, who want a greater Croatia, and the Serbian collaborationists under the quisling General Milan Neditch.
Civil War. The day General Sir Bernard Law Montgomery's Eighth Army began pounding Marshal Erwin Rommel's Afrika Korps in El Alamein, the Partisans of Bosanska Krajina moved northward down the jagged valleys of the Dinarian Alps to the outskirts of the Zagreb basin in Croatia. From the Valebit Mountains in Dalmatia a second force, called the Partisans of Lika, moved to meet them. From the northeast came a third army of Croat irregulars.
By the time Rommel's lines were shattered, the three Partisan armies had joined forces, under a unified command, and re-christened themselves the "Army of National Liberation." They organized the first continuous front in this irregular war—an arc about 100 miles long running from Slunj to Sitnica—and moved westward, sweeping one village after another from the surprised Germans and the Fascist Ustachi.
By last week, when the German occupation authorities realized what was happening, the new army had wrested a dozen towns and 50 villages from them, had advanced an even 50 miles into the Zagreb basin and created a solid liberated area a little larger than Connecticut.
New Government. Last week in the town of Bihatch, capital of the liberated area, 53 delegates from all over Yugoslavia met and elected as President of the Assembly Ivan Ribar, a Croat Catholic lawyer, member of the Serbo-Croat Democratic Party and son of the first President of the National Constitutional Assembly which met in 1918 to organize the State which became Yugoslavia.
This provisional government represented anti-Axis forces from all over the country and controlled an army estimated to be 200,000 to 300,000 strong. Neither the army nor the government is "Communist" or "bandit," though some of the leaders, particularly in the army, are Communists. The National Liberation movement is mainly peasant in character, and includes many members of the Serbo-Croat Democratic Party and other peasant organizations—Croat, Serb and Slovene.
The first act of the provisional government was to send telegrams to President Roosevelt and Premiers Churchill and Stalin.
*Many a TIME reader nominated General Milhailovich for Man of the Year (TIME, Dec. 7).
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* Find this article at:
* http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,774092,00.html
“Našao sam se u vrtlogu događaja i smetnji. Našao sam se u vrtlogu događaja i smernica.
Našao sam se pred smernicama i težnjama svoje sopstvene vlade. Bio sam okružen svim mogućim obaveštajnim službama, svim obaveštajnim službama sveta. Ostao sam vojnik. Ubeđen sam da sam bio na pravom putu. Sudbina je bila nemilosrdna prema meni kada me je bacila u najteže vihore. Mnogo sam hteo, mnogo započeo, ali vihor, svetski vihor, odneo je mene i moj rad.”
I was representative of the government in the country. I
received messages though delegates. The government was in a position
to know what was happening in the country. The Western Powers
had their men with me. Hudson came with a message, then Bailey
came with a message, and then there was the report of Voja Luka-
2eviid and the work of McDowell. All this influenced my whole work
and attitude.
I found myself in a whirl of events and intrigues. I found myself
in a whirl of events and strivings. I was confronted with the aims and
tendencies of my own goverment. I was surrounded with all possible^
inteligence services, the British Intelligence Service, the Gestapo and
all the intelligence services of the world.
Destiny was merciless towards me when it threw me into the
most difficult whirlwinds. I wanted much, I began much, but the
whirlwind, the world whirlwind, carried me and my work away.
I beg the Court to judge my statements justly.
Monday, Jul. 22, 1946
The Gale of the World
Darkness crept into the huge courtroom as the toneless voice (which once sang resonantly in the Serbian mountains) droned on & on. For the first time in six weeks the crowd of a thousand spectators ceased their hissing. They listened intently to Draja Mihailovich's last defense. He spoke with calm and sincerity, as if he knew that history would heed him even though Communist Tito's court would not.
Nothing that Mihailovich could say would wipe out abundant evidence that some of his Chetnik troops collaborated with the Germans. His tale was of how and why they came to do so, the tale of a victim and a failure, but not that of a traitor. He said:
"England & I." "I loathed and hated the Germans, forbade Nazi meetings and strove to rouse and train our youth for the fight I knew must come. . . . When war came and our front broke, I was left with a broken-spirited people and with a legacy of rottenness of two decades. I went into the forest and told the people to hide their weapons. ... At that time only England and I were still in the war. . . .
"I had three meetings with Marshal Tito, to which I went sincerely . . . but unfortunately we spent our time in mutual accusations. . . . Then Captain Hudson arrived from Britain with a message that I was not to transform the struggle into a fight for the Soviet Union. . . .
"My 5,000 men were nothing against five German divisions. I told the London Government but received no instructions. So I went to see the Germans myself. ... I refused to drink wine with them, and there was no agreement. . . . Very soon afterwards they attacked my headquarters and killed many of us. ... Once they passed within a few yards of me, but I was covered with leaves. . . ."
It was pitch dark when Mihailovich laid down his notes and wound up his four hour plea. "I wanted nothing for myself. The French revolution gave the world the rights of man and the Russian revolution also gave us something new, but I did not want to start today where they had started in 1917. I never wanted the old Yugoslavia. ... I was caught in a whirlpool of events. . . . Believing that the world would take the course of the Russian revolution I was caught by the [policy of] the Western democracies. They [the democracies] are for our peoples' good, and so are the Russians.
"I had against me a competitive organization, the Communist Party, which seeks its aims without compromise. . . . I believed I was on the right road. . . .
But fate was merciless to me when it threw me into this maelstrom."
Then Mihailovich spoke his epitaph: "I wanted much, I started much, but the gale of the world carried away me and my work. . . ."
Five days later the court sentenced (but did not silence) Draja Mihailovich: "To be shot by a firing squad."
* Find this article at:
* http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,888231,00.html
Ostao sam vojnik



Da, steta sto se o tome toliko prica...beskrajni izlivi zahvalnosti, kako spasenih pilota, tako i njihovih porodica, potomaka...ceo zivot posvecen borbi za istinu, knjige, film u pripremi...
inace valjalo bi navesti izvore onoga sto se iznese...
cisto da podsetimo:
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The GREATEST escape during World War II...naravno ako uzmemo u obzir sta predstavlja ''SPASAVANJE''
Operacija Vazdušni most je najveća akcija spašavanja savezničkih snaga iza neprijateljskih linija u Drugom svetskom ratu izvedena je u Srbiji
U američkim vojnim krugovima ova spasilačka misija poznata je kao: Operation Halyard. Operacija Vazdušni most smatra se za jednu od najuspešnijih spasilačkih misija iza neprijateljski linija u istoriji ratova.
e sad malo obratite paznju na tekst crvene boje i skapirate kako ono sto iznosite nema veze sa ovom pricom...