Sloveni na severozapadu Evrope

The speculative presence of a substantial Slavic population in parts of Denmark in the late Viking Age and Early Medieval Period
has been discussed for many years (see Grinder-Hansen 2001and 2002). While the motives and reliability of contemporary
written sources have been questioned, place-name evidence has been much in focus, with place-names of Slavic origin found on
the islands of Lolland, Falster and Møn (Housted 2002). In figures, there are less than 40 distributed in four main clusters: the
western part of Lolland, the southern and north-eastern part of Falster and the easternmost part of Møn. Added to this are a
handful of place-names comprising the Danish word for Wends as a prefix (for instance Vinde-by, Vinde-rup, Vinde-bode), which
are found on the islands of Tåsinge, Ærø, Langeland, Lolland and Sjælland (B. Jørgensen 2001). In Skåne and on Bornholm no place-
names of this character are known (pers. comm. Göran Hallberg and Finn Ole Nielsen). The occurrence of place-names in
one area, and their absence in another, as well as the distribution of their different categories is both interesting and significant.
There is no reason to doubt that settlements on the Danish islands could be established and owned by persons of Slavic origin.
The question is when and how this settlement took place, and whether or not the archaeological evidence can support the
idea of a substantial migration of Slavic groups into Denmark. Looking at the excavated settlements in Denmark from the 9th
to the 13th century, the houses are of local tradition. There are no Slavic-type forts, and no identified “settlement pits” or other
traces of log houses north of the Baltic Sea. In a Late Viking Age context there are examples of a relatively large rectangular type
of pit-house with roof-supporting posts at each gable, posts in the corners and an oven, from a number of excavations in Denmark
and Skåne. This type is larger and more regular than the average Viking Age pit-house. It is often suggested that it is a
sign of Slavic influence, even though the Slavic rectangular or square shaped pit-houses with a hearth or an oven are rare in
Mecklenburg and Vorpommern. Examples dating from the 9th and 10th century are known from Holstein and Niedersachsen,
but generally Slavic pit-houses belong in Central Europe (Donat 1980; Brather 2001). In Denmark pit-houses are known from
the Late Roman Iron Age, and are seen as an adoption of building methods from northwest Germany. From the 2nd to the 5th
century pit-houses are few in number and only found at a very limited number of sites, mostly in southern Jylland and in three
Across the western B 240 altic. Jens Ulriksen cases on Fyn. In Skåne, though, there are examples of pit-houses
that have been dated to the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Tesch 1992, 186 and 204). This is very early compared to Sjælland or other
parts of Denmark, and how they are to be placed into the overall picture of settlement development in southern Scandinavia is
unclear. On Sjælland, pit-houses do not appear until the 6th century with the exception of one or two examples, and generally
the pit-house is a phenomenon of the Vendel Period and Viking Age.
Thus there is no constructional evidence of Slavic settlements north of the Baltic Sea. As a contrast, the Slavic pottery style
is present in settlement sites and towns in many parts of Denmark in the 10th to 12th century, suggesting a massive presence
of Slavs (fi g. 3). However, it is generally accepted that Baltic ware was adapted and produced by the Danes rather than being
the result of large scale migration. Rim shapes and - in particular - decoration north of the Baltic are not as varied as in Mecklenburg
and Pommern, indicating that potters in Denmark copied a style rather than being an integral part of the original manufacturing
tradition. Characteristic Slavic metal objects dating from this period such as ‘Schläfenringe’ and ‘Gürtelhaken’ are
rare in the otherwise plentiful material found with metal detectors in Danish settlement sites. However, knife-sheath mounts
(thin sheets of copper alloy) are frequently found (M. Andersen 1988), and hacksilver deposits from the turn of the millennium
contain bits and pieces of both Scandinavian and Slavic origin

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Numerous metal detector finds were the main reason why, for a number of years, the Bejsebakken site was considered an important Late Iron Age settlement. Recently, extensive excavations have produced a comprehensive find material, which provides new knowledge of the character and structure of the settlement. The results are presented in this interim report.
A total of 42 longhouses and 350 pit houses were excavated in a 50.000 m2 large area, which constitutes the main part of the settlement. The houses are mainly from the Early and Late Germanic Iron Age. The central part of the settlement is almost completely without structural remains. Clusters of successive pit houses have been established. Weaving weights and spinning whirls demonstrates that the pit houses were used for textile production. Finds from the layers of filling indicate other crafts on the site. Fibulas and other finds show a connection to Norway and Sweden.
The site is interpreted as a small permanent settlement, periodically visited by craftsmen and traders.

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In almost all pit houses, the filling contained numerous stones made brittle by fire...Several pit houses have an oblong, oval pit, a few centimetres deep and usually situated
in the northern part of the house.

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dublin:

ahil ovo je interesantno je povezuje balkan baltik i britanska ostrva na jako lep nacin. kulturne slicnosti izmedju ovih regiona su ocigledne ali tesko objasnjive. slovenski vikinzi su mogli da donesu neke od ovih kultirnih karakteristika u ranom srednjem veku. ali postoji puno nalaza i iz starog veka koji ne mogu da se objasne vikinskim invazijama.

ovo bi moglo da pomogne. necu sad ovde da otvaram raspravu o ovome. planiram da otvorim novu bas o ovome, cim na ovoj temi budem stavio sve sto sam do sad nasao o slovenskim vikinzima.

hvala ti na informaciji u svakom slucaju.

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Highly interesting finds of Turkish fortress sites and a Russian marching fort (four cannon and 100 pit-houses in ten lines) from around 1800 AD have given superb insights into military life in the field at the time of Napoleon. The fort sits on the road between Odessa and Ismaël on the Danube (besieged and taken by Russia in 1790, in fact General Suvorov). Each pit-house (with an oven in the corner) probably held about ten men. Crosses, coins and bottles for alcohol leave no doubt about the origin of the soldiers, in spite of nomad female attire and Turkish pipes. Rectangular earthen walls crowned with timbers or fortification baskets and moats surrounded the camp which was situated in the fork between two smaller rivers.

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If Ibn Fadl − an does mean that this disembarkation-point is the site of the market on the confluence of the Volga and Kama rivers, the Varangian Rus would have influ- enced the urbanisation of the area. The difference between Ibn Fadl − an’s description of these dwellings and standard Viking houses may corroborate the suggestion that they are temporary stopping-places (see further Smyser, 104), although they have more in common with “authentically Slavic rectangular timber houses with an oven in the corner” (Dolukhanov, 184), indicating a futher feature shared between Varangian and Slav.

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When it became bitterly cold, much (maybe all) of the livestock and food stores such as cabbage moved inside. The major structure inside every peasant
hut was the stove, a structure built in one of the corners that occupied much of the room in the hut. It was built of rock and mortar and had three chambers for maximum extraction of heat. Had the Russian stove had a chimney, 80 per cent of the heat would have gone out of the chimney, so there was only a smoke hole in the back of the stove which vented the smoke into the room.
The heating season was about six months of the year, 16 so that for six months of the year the peasants breathed a toxic mixture of carbon monoxide and
over two hundred wood-smoke particles that clogged their throats and lungs.
The product was the infamous Russian smoky hut, one of the major features of Russian civilisation from the time the Slavs moved east into Ukraine in
the sixth century, and then into the Volga–Oka mesopotamia in the eleventh–thirteenth centuries, down until the 1930s. The smoke was so dense that it left
a line around the wall about shoulder-high, where the bottom of the smoke cloud hung. The air was so toxic that it disinfected the hut to the extent that
not even cockroaches could survive. The Russians had a saying: ‘If you want to be warm, you have to suffer the smoke.’

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The earliest stoves were located in the centre of buildings; later stoves were placed in corners. This fact implies that the keris stove developed from open fireplace (Tõnisson 1981a, 47). The
main purpose of stoves was heating, but the fire was also used for the preparation of food. In front of both keris and vaulted clay stoves, a small depression (lee in Estonian) up to 50 cm wide was
generally made where food could be prepared on hot embers removed from the stove. Besides the stove, there were benches around the walls of the hut on which the peasants sat during the day and slept at night, on mattresses stuffed with hay or straw. Early tables were made of clay and immovable; movable tables made of wood date from the seventeenth century. Some huts had primitive
stools, but usually there were no chairs or other furniture except a trunk (made of wood, leather, and/or woven bark, reeds and other materials) in which the peasants kept their extra and out-of-season clothing. There was a shelf protruding from one of the walls on which cooking utensils were kept. Clay pots were used for storage or mixing.

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ANGLO- SAXON OR ANGLO- SCANDINAVIAN VIKING
'KNOTWORK PELLET-AND-CROSS'
TONGUE-SHAPED STRAP END
Silver-gilt, 10.41 grams, 33.52 mm. 10th-11th century AD. A thick, cast strap end with decorative elements in high relief. The design comprises a cross with central boss, between the arms of which are four similar bosses within semicircles. A raised bar runs across the top beyond which is the thinner bar pierced for attachment. Similar D-shaped strap ends are a Late Saxon development influenced by contemporary Scandinavian fashions; the heavy moulding and geometric design are based on Winchester Style manuscript decoration and its derivatives in the plastic arts. Gilding remains on some of the surface. Reference: Thomas, G. Late Anglo-Saxon and Viking-Age Strap-Ends 750-1100 FRG Datasheet no.32, 2004, no.23-4. Very fine condition. Provenance: from an old continental collection.

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In viking saga's we can learn about first rulers of Poland. There is controversy if the Burizleif king of the Vindland (or Vendland) was polish ruler Mieszko I or his son first polish king Boleslav the Brave. Some suggest that Scandinavians were calling both Boleslav the Brave and his father Mieszko with the same name and title Burizleif king of the Vindland. I have studied the KING OLAF TRYGVASON'S SAGA" and thats what i found:

"King Svein made a magnificent feast, to which he invited all the chiefs in his dominions; for he would give the succession-feast,or the heirship-ale, after his father Harald....(..)...The Jomsborg vikings came to the festival with their bravest men, forty ships of them from Vindland, and twenty ships from Skane."

So, from the 60 ships on which the Jomsvikings came to visit Sven (father of Canute the Great) who just become the king of Denmark - 40 were slavic. On that feast someone decided to use the Jomsvikings to his plans. They drunk to much beer and were droven into the intrigue which ended bad for them: "Thereafter for the chiefs of the Jomsborg vikings was filled and drunk the largest horn to be found, and of the strongest drink..(...)..Thereafter Earl Sigvalde emptied a remembrance bowl to his father's honour,and made the solemn vow, that before three winters came to an end he would go to Norway, and either kill Earl Hakon, or chase him out of the country.Thereupon Thorkel the Tall, his brother,made a solemn vow to follow his brother Sigvalde to Norway, and not flinch from the battle so
long as Sigvalde would fight there. Then Bue the Thick vowed to follow them to Norway, and not flinch so long as the other Jomsborg vikings fought. At last Vagn Akason vowed that he would go with them to Norway, and not return until he had slain Thorkel Leira, and gone to bed to his daughter Ingebjorg without her friends' consent...(...)...when the Jomsborg vikings had slept off their drink, they thought they had spoken more than enough." So, the Jomsviking sailed toward Norway in the force of the 60 ships, but the Norwegians were not surprised and met them on the sea with the 150 ships. The earls Hakon and Eirik lay in Halkelsvik, where all their forces were assembled. They had 150 ships,and they had heard that the Jomsborg vikings had come in from sea, and lay at the island Hod; and they, in consequence, rowed out to seek them. When they reached a place called Hjorungavag they met each other,and both sides drew up their ships in line for an attack." During the battle one of the jomsviking's Jarl's found a chance to escape and left the battle which was lost. All together 35 ships escaped while 25 were still fighting. Most of the crews fought to death and the Norwegians captured only 30 wounded but still alive Jomsvikings. The norwegians begined execution: "Vagn and thirty men were taken prisoners, and bound, and brought to land. Then came up Thorkel Leira, and said, "Thou madest
a solemn vow, Vagn, to kill me, but now it seems more likely that I will kill thee." Vagn and his men sat all upon a log of wood together. Thorkel had an axe in his hands, with which he cut at him who sat outmost on the log. Vagn and the other prisoners were bound so that a rope was fastened on their feet, but they had their hands free. One of them said, "I will stick this cloak-pin that I have in my hand into the earth, if it be so that I know anything, after my head is cut off." His head was cut off, but the cloak-pin fell from his hand. There sat also a very handsome man with long hair, who twisted his hair
over his head, put out his neck, and said, "Don't make my hair bloody." A man took the hair in his hands and held it fast. Thorkel hewed with his axe; but the viking twitched his head so strongly that he who was holding his hair fell forwards, and the axe cut off both his hands, and stuck fast in the earth." After doing it the young handsome viking said famous: "Eigi Eru Enn Allir Jomsvikingar daudhir" ("Not Yet Are All the Jomsvikings Dead"). Anyway, The Norwegians were impressed so much that rewarded him and the remaining 11 of the Jomsvikings who were not executed yet with life and let them go back to Jomsborg.


Farther the Saga says about king Sven Forkbeard and his connections with Polish prince: "The Danish king, Svein Tjuguskeg, was married to Gunhild, a daughter of Burizleif, king of the Vinds..(..)...Burizleif, the king of the Vinds, complained to his relation Earl Sigvalde, that the agreement was broken which Sigvalde had made between King Svein and King Burizleif, by which Burizleif was to get in marriage Thyre, Harald's daughter, a sister of King Svein: but that marriage had not proceeded, for Thyre had given positive no to the proposal to marry her to an old and heathen king.
"Now," said King Burizleif to Earl Sigvalde, "I must have the promise fulfilled." And he told Earl Sigvalde to go to Denmark, and bring him Thyre as his queen. Earl Sigvalde loses no time, but goes to King Svein of Denmark, explains to him the case; and brings it so far by his persuasion, that the king delivered his sister Thyre into his hands. With her went some female attendants, and her foster-father, by name Ozur Agason, a man of great power, and some other people. In the agreement between the king and the earl, it was settled that Thyre should have in property the possessions which Queen Gunhild had enjoyed in Vindland, besides other great properties as bride-gifts. Thyre wept sorely, and went very unwillingly. When the earl came to Vindland, Burizleif held his wedding with Queen Thyre, and received her in marriage; bus as long as she was among heathens she would neither eat nor drink with them, and this lasted for seven days...(...)...It happened one night that Queen Thyre and Ozur ran away in the dark, and into the woods, and, to be short in our story, came at last to Denmark. But here Thyre did not dare to remain, knowing that if her brother King Svein heard of her, he would send her back directly to Vindland. She went on, therefore, secretly to Norway, and never stayed her journey until she fell in with King Olaf, by whom she was kindly received."
There in Norway she married Olaf King of Norway. When king Olaf of norway became the husband of the Danish princess who was before married to the ruler of the Poles (prolly Mieszko I) he sailed to Poland to talk with polish ruler about the property of his wife which polish prince recived together with her. Saga also says that he had many friends there: (After his sister Ingebjorg's wedding, the king made ready in all haste to leave the country with his army, which was both greatand made up of fine men.) When he left the land and sailed southwards he had sixty ships of war, with which he sailed past Denmark, and in through the Sound, and on to Vindland. Heappointed a meeting with King Burizleif; and when the kings met, they spoke about the property which King Olaf demanded, and the conference went off peaceably, as a good account was given of the properties which King Olaf thought himself entitled to there. He passed here much of the summer, and found many of his old friends."
When king Olaf was in Poland on the court of Polish ruler, he gets informations that king of Denmark Sven Forkbeard is gatheiring army against him and wants to attack him on his way back to Norway. They decide that Jomsborg vikings will give Olaf 11 ships which will join the norwegian fleet to protect the king. Decision is made by the Earl Sigvalde who seems to be an often guest if not an all time resident on the court of Polish ruler and Jarl of Jomsborg in the same time. Altough it looks like it was a trick and its real intention was to drive king Olaf into Denish trap: "There came first a flying report to Vindland that the Danish king, Svein, had fitted out an army; and it was soon whispered that he intended to attack King Olaf. But Earl Sigvalde says to King Olaf, "It never can be King Svein's intention to venture with the Danish force alone, to give battle to thee with such a powerful army; but if thou hast any suspicion that evil is onfoot, I will follow thee with my force (at that time it was considered a great matter to have Jomsborg vikings with an army), and I will give thee eleven well-manned ships." The king accepted this offer; and as the light breeze of wind that came was favourable, he ordered the ships to get under weigh, and the war-horns to sound the departure. The sails were hoisted and all the small vessels, sailing fastest, got out to sea before the others. The earl, who sailed nearest to the
king's ship, calledto those on board to tell the king to sail in his keel-track:"For I know where the water is deepest between the islands and in the sounds, and these large ships require the deepest." Then the earl sailed first with his eleven ships, and the king followed with his large ships, also eleven in number; but the whole of the rest of the fleet sailed out to sea. Now when Earl Sigvalde came sailing close under the island Svold, a skiff rowed out to inform the earl that the Danish king's army was lying in the harbour before them. Then the earl ordered the sails of his vessels to be struck, and they rowed in under the island. "

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Olaf Trygvesson - you're forgetting that the Jomsvikings betrayed him and deserted his fleet after leading him into the trap in which were hidden the ships of the combined Norweggian - Swedish - Danish alliance. I don't think we know whether the Jomsvikings fought for Svein Forkbeard or not. Olaf had eleven ships compared to anywhere from seventy to two hundred on the other side. (Do note that three of Olaf's ships were the three biggest in Scandanavia.) The Danes and Swedes showed themselves to be cowards, but the Norwegians under Earl Erik eventually overwhelmed them.

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Did they betray him? In my opinion it was part of the plan. Jomsvikings were subjects of Polish king (Jomsvikingasaga). Polish king sent their leader jarl Sigvalde to Denmark, to Sven Forkbeard to bring his sister Thyre as wife (Olaf' Tryggvason Saga). Against her will Thyre was brought to Poland and married Burizleif king of Vendland (Boleslav the Brave king of Poland). She didnt like her husband and escaped to Olaf of Norway and married him. Olaf came to Poland and was a guest of Polish ruler but when leaving, he was suppoosed to be escorted by Jomsvikings, who drove him into Denish-Swedish trap. Poland and Denmark were allies (wife of Sven was Polish, sister of Sven was supposed to be wife of Boleslav). Olaf was an enemy of Danes and he also offended Polish ruler when married Thyre. From the begining of this story jarl of Jomsborg was in the center of events. He was an envoy of Polish king to Denmark and negotiated conditions of treaty between Poles and Danes (he took Polish princess to Denmark and brought Denish princess to Poland). If you look closer into Sagas it is obvious that killing king Olaf was a plot.

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The trouble is, you cannot look this close into sagas when looking for historical facts. They are simply not reliable enough, certainly not in the details.
- They were mostly written down in the twelfth century, twohundred years after events took place.
- They were written in Iceland, so by another people, who might have had another agenda on the subject.
- And they were written by authors, not scribes, so they are not even precise representation of oral tradition, but they are a carefully composed construct made as much for purposes of entertainment as for preserving history.


Fortunatelly there are also many chronicles that confirm some stories from saga's. I know well that not everything in saga's is truth and that many things are terribly mixed. For example 2 different Polish rulers, father and son are described as one Burizleif, who would have to rule from half of 10th century to begining of 11th. Jomsvikingasaga says that Polish army went for war under command of Burizleif together with German emperor against king Harald of Denamark. And next 30 years later the same Burizleif was allied with Sven Forkbeard. But you can take one of German chronicles and check the facts. Thiethmar was writting a lot about Scandinavians and Poles and he describes in his chronicle that Polish king who fought with his wariors in the army of German emperor Otto I was Mieszko I. In other chronicles you can find that Mieszko's daughter married Sven Forkbeard. Next you can find info in other chronicle which say that king Boleslav of Poland aided his brother in law Canute of
Denmark with few hundrieds wariors when Canute was preparing the expedition to England. So while many of saga's are pure fair tales, many facts described by them when compared with medieval chronicles can be confirmed as truth or false.

BTW - for more info about Thietmar check for example Wikipedia:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thietmar - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thietmar

This guy really hatred Poles but thanks to him we know a lot both about early medieval Poland and Scandinavia. He was a bishop but he took part in wars against Northmen and Poles.

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Poland was very close to Vikings but it was strong tribal kingdom which was invading all its neighbours. Boleslav the Brave who was known in Saga's as Burizleif had strong army, during his reign invaded and defeated the Kiev Rus, Bohemia and German Empire (signed even peace treaty at Bautzen with Emperor who recognised all his teritorial conquests in Germany). New summer for Boleslav was nothing else but new agressive war. Vikings were coming to Poland only as merchants and traders. Those in Jomsborg who settled there under jarl Palna Toki from Denmark did it with permission of king and every their new jarl had to be accepted by king.

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He was the son of king Sweyn Forkbeard of Denmark. Canute's mother was Gunhild (formerly Swiatoslawa, daughter of Mieszko I of Poland). Canute was reared by a mother whose own mother Dubrawka had been abducted from a religious house and married to the first Duke of Poland, Mieszko, who later adopted Christianity. This, along with his father's stout beliefs, was probably the foundation of Canute's pragmatic relation to religion which would later greatly influence both Denmark and Britain. Conrad II, Holy Roman Emperor was friendly with Canute and had his young son Henry married to Canute's daughter Cunigunde (Gunhilda). The emperor gave Canute the Mark of Schleswig and Pomerania to govern. The latter was probably the fief of Canute, since Boleslaus I of Poland sent his army to help Canute conquer England.

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According to the Medieval chroniclers Thietmar of Merseburg and Adam of Bremen, King Canute the Great - who ruled both Denmark and England - was the son of a Polish princess, a daughter of Mieszko I of Poland and sister of Boleslaw I of Poland. An inscription in "Liber vitae of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey Winchester" mentions King Canute as having a sister named "Santslaue" ("Santslaue soror CNVTI regis nostri"), which without doubt is a Slavic name, and J. Steenstrup suggests this was a rendering of Świętosława. References in medieval chronicles to the involvement of Polish troops in invasions of England are likely related to Canute's Polish ancestry, constituting the earliest evidence of Poles arriving in the country.

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in 1069 William was again dealing with rebellion in Northumberland, this time lead by the deposed Earl, Morkar, and his brother the ex-Earl of Mercia, Edwin. This time the uprising was supported by the Danish king, Swegn Estrithsson. Fighting alongside them were the Earls Waltheof and Gospatrick, both of whom were of Anglo-Norse extraction. Edgar the Aetheling was also there with support from the many English who were refugees in lowland Scotland. Just how he felt about Swegn's involvement is not recorded. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle states that the Danish fleet consisted of two hundred and forty ships, and that the crews were, not only Danish, but Polish, German, Wendish and Lithuanian. Controlling the fleet were Swegn's sons, and his brother Osbjorn. The allies took York and slaughtered the Norman garrison when they foolishly made an armed sally. Earl Waltheof's exploit of slaying a hundred Frenchmen with his long-axe as they tried to escape through a gate, ending up in heroic verse. William was not amused and moved north, again laying waste as he went. The Danes took to their ships and commenced raiding the East Coast, seeking assistance from their relations in the Danelaw. The fleet settled down to wintered over in the Humber where William couldn't get at them.

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The kingship of England of course lent the Danes an important link to the maritime zone between Great Britain and Ireland, where Cnut like his father before him had a strong interest.[8] In light of the struggles of the Danes for preeminence within Scandinavia, Cnut's rule was definitely felt by the sea-kingdoms of the Viking settlers among the Celtic nations; known as the Gall Gaidel. These were the Kingdom of the Isles (probably under direct overlordship through one of his lieutenants[9]) in the Sea of the Hebrides, and the Kingdom of Dublin (probably on the terms of vassal and suzerain),[10] in the Irish Sea. The chief goal here was to control the western seaways to and from Scandinavia, and to check the might of the Earls of Orkney.[11] At the height of his power, Cnut held certain Gaelic kingdoms[12] and the Ui Imhair sea-kingdom of Echmarcach mac Ragnaill[13] as client territories, too.

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„Chronica oder Zeitbuch/der Lande zu Holstein/Stormarn/Dithmarschen vnd Wagern/Wer dieselben Lender regirt/ Was sich vor Christi Geburt/biß in das D.XXXI Jahr darinno zugetragen.Item/von ihrem Glauben/Sitten/Gewonheiten/Krigen vnd veränderungen der Regimente.

Durch Herrn Johann Petersen.

In Jahre 1599 Gedruckt in Kays.Freyen Reichs Stadt Lübeck bey Laurentz Albrecht/ Bürger vnd Buchhendler daselbst

Strana 52

...”Wendeni(S(o)rbi) u Wagerlandu su snazni ljudi/i potpuno su ratnici spremni/iskreni/ gostoljubivi/kod Stranaca i putnika/posebno su voljeni kod stranaca/kojim su veliku dobrotu(cast) pokazivali/Stranca ne primiti u kucu (original„behausete”-valjda ukuciti)/druge izdati/mogli ste im kucu i staniste u pepeo zapaliti(pretvoriti)/Svojim naslednim(starim) roditeljima pokazivase najvecu cast(postovanje)/dusom i telom.„

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Polabian Slavs appeared to be the westernmost Slavic tribes who went to Europe from Common Slavic motherland in European Russia. Polabians settled on lands along the river Elbe (Laba in Slavic) in the end of the 1st millennium AD, having Germans as their neighbours. They could not manage to create their own state and had only tribal alliances, who fought together against Germanic aggression. That struggle went on more or less successfully until the 12th century, when the German Empire at last conquered Polabian lands and settled in their towns. Nowadays not many people know that such German cities as Bremen and Brandenburg were founded by Polabian Slavs and were called Bremin and Branibor in the 11th century.
The only branch of Polabians who managed to repel the Germans were Lusatians or Sorbs, existing even now and speaking two Sorbian languages related to Polabian. Other Polabian tribes were assimilated, and their language is now completely extinct. The only sources for it are some little phrases recorded in the 17th and 18th centuries, and also placenames and some borrowings in German dialects which represent Slavic substratum.

Polabian was obviously similar to the older stages of Polish and Sorbian languages. But phonetics also shows some similarity to Baltic and Germanic languages, which makes us suppose that Polabian was quite archaic. E.g., Common Slavic *-ra- turned into -ra- / -ro- in all modern Slavic tongues, but in Baltic and Polabian it is -ar-. From the other side, Polabian has gone far in its morphological development, losing some noun and verbal endings, like the 3rd person singular verb -t. The infinitive was ending in -t which was not changing into -c' or -s' like in Polish, Sorbian and Czech.

Germanic influence was expressed not only in vocabulary, which contained about a half of German words, but also in phonetics, for some new vowels emerged in the language, similar to Germanic ü and ä.

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Both Balts and Slavs were known for building wooden forts or earthworks at unstable times or as means of defence against nomadic steppe tribes. 20-30 years ago it was assumed that Slavs originated from Zarubintsy-Kiev cultures (the so called Godlowski hypothesis). However, in the past 10 year new archeological evidence concerning the Przeworsk and Zarunbintsy cultures instigated a new debate. There is some evidence which might suggest origins in the Pommeranian culture. Late Przeworsk settlements survive as far as VII century AD in Grosspoles. On the same area the lechitic Sukow-Szeligi culture forms in late V early VI century, expanding into Vorpommern. The material culture of late Przeworsk and Sukow-Szeligi is very similar and many modern scholars suggest some form of continuity. Also other Slavic cultures like Feldberg and Tornow, closely resemble cultures from Poland in antiquity. There are striking differences between these cultures and the larges Slavic culture of Prague-Korchak. At the same time, Ukrainian and Russian scholars (Siedow, Tretiakow, Baran, Pobol, Oblomski, Terpilovski and many others) established in the past 20 years that Kiev culture descends directly from Zarubintsy, while Zarubintsy from the Pommeranian. This is also supported by some Lithuanian scholars (like Petrauskas and Gimbutas).

Now... it might be possible that Slavic-Scandinavian contacts reach as far as antiquity and arrival of Goths, Vandals, Gepids in Pomerania, and the Chernyakov culture.

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Temple rings (9 items) are made from round or flattened blanks and have needle-like terminals (Figs. 9:10; 10:5, 7; 11:7, 8, 9, 10; 13:7; №№ 08-11, 13, 32, 41, 57, 60, 09-21, 62, 65); one is coiled 1.5 times and fixed with a shackle.

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Summarizing the available information, it seems possible to propose the general dating of the cemetery under consideration to phases B2 – B2/C1 (last third of the 1st – the turn between the 2
nd and 3rd century AD according to М. B. Shchukin). On the basis of the dates of the grave offerings it is difficult to draw definite conclusions as to the chronological sequence of the enclosures.

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‘Temple rings’ (visochnye kol’tsa) are the most characteristic part of Slavic2 medieval dress to survive in burials, and are so-called because they are located on the skull, near the temples of the deceased woman or girl (Fig. 1). Most were made of base metals - copper alloys or iron, though silver and even gold were occasionally used.

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The Venets
A venets was formed when the ribbon of the nachilnik/chola was replaced with a wide hoop, or a narrow band, of hard material such as bast, leather, metal, etc., perhaps covered with golden fabric, that was secured at the back of the head. In the 11th-12th centuries, the venets began to be decorated on the upper (front) edge by various forms of battlements - pointed teremkami and square gorodkami. The raised front of the venets was called the ochelom. These were the headdresses of rich maidens. (Stamerov) and (Kireyeva) and (Pushkareva97)
There are discernable three main variants of venets: 1. flexible metal (silver, more rarely bronze); 2. nalobnyj ("on brow") venets with "povyazka" (venets-band) of brocade and sometimes wool or linen fabric, embroidered and richly ornamented (same as chola/nachil'nika above?); 3. venets from metal plates, strung on threads or cords. (Pushkareva89)

The venets was distinctly decorated: often from the venets at temple were braided cords which were passed then through the temple rings; in another variant, the venets supported hair, lying in loops, let down in front of ears from temple (in this case hair seems to supported temple ornaments). Temple rings were typically attached to the venets above the ears. Tiny bells or other metallic hangings were often fastened along the lower edge of the front of the headband. (Stamerov) and (Kireyeva) and (Pushkareva97 and 89)

The nalobnyj maiden venets, made of ribbon, was frequently ornamented with wool fringe (evidently to compliment the wool skirt-ponevoj), as confirmed in a woman's burial from a 13th cent. kurgan of Vyatiche. (Pushkareva89)

Around the head, whether the hair was plaited or loose was a prevyazka, a silk ribbon, and for the rich, of gold threads. Decorated on the forehead with embroidery, sometimes with pearls, it was also called a chelom or chelkoj. If the ornament went around the whole circle it was called a venok or venets. A venets with teeth along the upper edge, gorodki, was called a koruna. (Rabinovich, 13-17th)

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The Slavs in the beginning of the Middle ages settled in the extended territories of Central and Eastern Europe from the Elbe in the west up to the Don in the east and from the coast of the Baltic sea in the north up to Peloponnesus in the south and were differentiated in several dialect-tribal formations.

One of those large formations was Prague-Korchak culture formed on the basis of late Przeworsk antiquities (Southern Poland, Western Ukraine and north-eastern Slovakia). Its main markers are hand-made pottery, square semi-subterranean dwellings with heating devices in a corner and cremation burial rite. From the tribes of this group only the Dulebs are known, who appeared in the 8th - 12th centuries divided and scattered in different pans of its former territory. The S-shaped hair-rings are their ethnographical feature.

Another dialect-tribal formation of the Slavs is represented by Sukow-Dziedzice culture, which have been formed also on the basis of late Przeworsk culture in Central Poland. Its characteristic elements are distinctive hand-made pottery, ground timber buildings and surface cremation burials. In the 7th century a part of Sukow-Dziedzice area was captured by the Slavs of another group - the bearers of Feldberg ceramics. On the territory of Sukow-Dziedzice culture the tribal groups of the Obodrits, the Velets, the Pomoryans and the Polyans have been formed. For all of them the S-shaped hollow hair-rings were common.

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..Wagrieri, to je starogermanski naziv za Obodrite...drugi su preuzeli taj naziv od Germana pa i Rusi...Waigri ili Waari ili Varjagi-Varjazi...Srejovic i Pesic su već radili na njima.To su oni koji su Rusima pomogli da pobede Wikinge „jer znadose normanski stroj”(znali su kako se bori protiv Normana) i nikad nije vise,stupila Wikinska noga na to tlo...OPREZ...postoji podmetacina da su to Germani!!!To je najzapadnije slavensko pleme na dodiru od Hamburga do iza danasnje danske teritorije...Srediste je bilo Stargard,danasnji Oldenburg.

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The Swedish log-house or lafting tradition started in Sigtuna in the first half of the 11th century and then spread rapidly in central and north Sweden. The technique were used in part of Danevirke and in a well construction or two during the Viking age in Scandinavia but was not part of the house building tradition until Sigtuna (and Oslo and Tromsö, starting at the same time).
From ca 700 e. Kr. houses and forts were lafted on the Baltic east-coast in today’s Poland, the Baltic’s and Russia and bit later in Ladoga and Novgorod. Wladyslaw Duczko, archaeologist in Uppsala believes that the west-Slavs are an important transmitter for the Scandinavian tradition.

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Hearths are centrally placed in the houses of western Europe, like in the traditional Scandinavian long houses. In the Russian towns, the older houses have a central hearth, but in
course of time there are more and more corner hearths, which eventually dominate. This has no connection with the choice of building technique, as has sometimes been said. In the
Scandinavian towns, there are both central and corner hearths, and they are respectively used for different purposes: the corner hearth is for work—cooking or craft—and the central hearth is
for social life and entertainment. This is particularly evident in Sigtuna.

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Why did the Scandinavians adopt joint timber building so late?

As I said before, joint timber building has very good heat qualities, which is needed in the Scandinavian climate. Accordingly, one would expect the Scandinavians to be quick to
adopt a solid building technique which would also save much work with wood cutting for heating. And they did so at last, and the heat qualities were certainly an essential reason for
joint timber building dominating in Scandinavia for about 900 years. But they did not adopt it until such a long time had passed as 200 years. Why?
I suggest the reason for the delay was cultural. The Scandinavians readily adopted foreign dress fashion and consumer goods, but not so readily foreign housing. They probably
had much of their identity in the houses, especially in their dwellings. The dwelling house shows who is the owner, and for the Vikings an old family was important. So a traditional
house could be associated with an old and impressing family. In addition, the dwelling house had a religious dimension and had often sacrifices under the posts. Such things made the
housing more conservative than other cultural features. There are theories, expressed by Rapoport, about socio-cultural factors having a considerable impact on house form, and about house form having a considerable degree of constancy due to culturally linked aspects. These theories point in the same direction as my suggestion. Towards the end of the 10th century, the cultural difference between the Scandinavian and Slavic peoples decreased. They both—or at least parts of them—converted to Christianity, they made political pacts, and the royal families married into each other. All this probably made
the Scandinavians more ready to adopt the building tradition from the east.

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Recent investigations suggest that Danevirke was not only and not primarily built for military purposes. The archeologist Henning Hellmuth Andersen found that in an early stage the main "wall" consisted of a ditch between two low embankments. The historian argued that the Kograben (Danish: Kovirke) south of the main wall consists of an embankment accompanied by a ditch on its northern side, which would have been counterproductive for a Danish fortification.

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...The settlers who became the ancestors of the Old English race were people of many tribes, all included
within the later designation Anglo-Saxon. They were not exclusively Teutonic, for among them was a small
minority of people of various Wendish tribes, the evidence of whose immigration will appear in subsequent pages.
In regard to speech, there must have been many dialects at first, and we can trace, more or less, the use in England
of three classes of them viz., the old Germanic, whether Old Frisian or Old Saxon ; the Old Norrena, now repre-
sented by the Icelandic ; and the Old Slavic speech of the Wends the Wendish, of course, only to a very limited extent....

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Archaeological excavations in 1969–75 established, with the help of dendrochronology, that the main structure of the Danevirke had been built in three phases between AD 737 and 968. It is, therefore, contemporary with Offa's Dyke, another great defensive structure of the late 8th century.

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Offa's Dyke (Welsh: Clawdd Offa) is a massive linear earthwork, roughly followed by some of the current border between England and Wales. In places, it is up to 65 feet (19.8 m) wide (including its flanking ditch) and 8 feet (2.4 m) high. In the 8th century it formed some kind of delineation between the Anglian kingdom of Mercia and the Welsh kingdom of Powys. Research in recent decades has dispelled many of the earlier theories and ideas about the earthwork.

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dublin:

jos o varjazima ......

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