Šta je "banana država"?

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Elita
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IZRAZ KOJI SVI ZNAMO, ALI - ŠTA JE ZAPRAVO BANANA DRŽAVA?

I NA KOJU ZEMLJU SE PRVO ODNOSIO?


Banana+drzava.jpg



Sigurno ste makar jednom čuli da ljudi nezadovoljni stanjem u zemlji (bilo kojoj zemlji) za nju koriste termin “banana država”,
čak i ako ta zemlja nema nikakve veze sa uzgojem ovog tropskog voća.

Evo kako je termin zapravo nastao i šta označava…


Da je “banana-država” pogrdan naziv za politički nestabilne zemlje i da termin ima negativnu konotaciju, jasno vam je već i
iz samom konteksta u kom se izraz upotrebljava.

Ipak, priča o tome kako je on nastao, daleko je zanimljivija!



Vilijam+Sidni+Porter.jpg

KNJIŽEVNIK VILIJAM SIDNI PORTER


Termin se prvobitno odnosio na države zavisne od poljoprivrednog izvoza samo jedne kulture u kojoj vlast drži korumpirana
grupa političara ili vojna hunta pod uticajem stranih kompanija koje zapravo imaju moć.

Ovo je početkom 20. veka najviše važilo za srednjoameričke zemlje poput Hondurasa, Nikaragve ili Paname, koje su uzgajale
i izvozile mahom banane, pa je tako i nastao izraz - “banana država” ili “banana republika”.

U ovim zemljama političari i privreda decenijama su bili pod uticajem velikih američkih kompanija čija je moć bila daleko veća
nego politička moć vlade ili stanovništva.

Vladale su velike socijalne razlike, infrastruktura je bila slaba, privreda primitivna, a ljudi uglavnom neobrazovani, jer se u
školstvo nije ulagalo.

Ovakve države oslanjale su se na spoljašnji kapital, a obično je vladala i velike inflacije.

Zanimljivo je da je izraz zapravo književni.

Termin “banana republika” verovatno je prvi upotrebio američki pisac Vilijam Sidni Porter koji je pisao pod pseudonimom O. Henri.

On je 1904. objavio roman “Kupus i kraljevi” i pišući o fiktivnoj Republici Anhuriji, a verovatno aludirajući na Honduras, napisao:

“U to vreme smo imali sporazum sa svakom stranom zemljom, osim Belgije, i te banana-republike, Anhurije”.

Tokom godina, termin je prvo bio prihvaćen među drugim umetnicima, pa tek onda i u političkoj teoriji.

Čileanski pesnik i Nobelovac Pablo Neruda u knjizi “Opšta pesma” (“Canto general”) iz 1950. ima pesmu pod nazivom
“La United Fruit Co”.

U drugoj strofi kaže:


“Rezervisana za najsočnije,

Centralna obala moje zemlje,

Nežni pojas Amerike.

Preimenovala je svoje teritorije

U “banana državu”

I preko usnulih mrtvih,

Preko neumornih heroja

Koju su doneli velika dela,

Slobodu i zastave,

Napravila komičnu operu.”


Danas se izraz koristi da opiše države u kojima strane firme imaju značajan uticaj na donošenje odluka vlasti
što dovodi do nastanka korupcije, kriminala, nepotizma…

U ovakvim zemljama, bogati se šačica moćnika dok ostatak stanovništva živi teško.

Vlast je nestabilna, a izbori obično sa sumnjivim rezultatima.

:think: :think: :think: :think: :think:
 

IZRAZ KOJI SVI ZNAMO, ALI - ŠTA JE ZAPRAVO BANANA DRŽAVA?

I NA KOJU ZEMLJU SE PRVO ODNOSIO?


Banana+drzava.jpg



Sigurno ste makar jednom čuli da ljudi nezadovoljni stanjem u zemlji (bilo kojoj zemlji) za nju koriste termin “banana država”,
čak i ako ta zemlja nema nikakve veze sa uzgojem ovog tropskog voća.

Evo kako je termin zapravo nastao i šta označava…


Da je “banana-država” pogrdan naziv za politički nestabilne zemlje i da termin ima negativnu konotaciju, jasno vam je već i
iz samom konteksta u kom se izraz upotrebljava.

Ipak, priča o tome kako je on nastao, daleko je zanimljivija!



Vilijam+Sidni+Porter.jpg

KNJIŽEVNIK VILIJAM SIDNI PORTER


Termin se prvobitno odnosio na države zavisne od poljoprivrednog izvoza samo jedne kulture u kojoj vlast drži korumpirana
grupa političara ili vojna hunta pod uticajem stranih kompanija koje zapravo imaju moć.

Ovo je početkom 20. veka najviše važilo za srednjoameričke zemlje poput Hondurasa, Nikaragve ili Paname, koje su uzgajale
i izvozile mahom banane, pa je tako i nastao izraz - “banana država” ili “banana republika”.

U ovim zemljama političari i privreda decenijama su bili pod uticajem velikih američkih kompanija čija je moć bila daleko veća
nego politička moć vlade ili stanovništva.

Vladale su velike socijalne razlike, infrastruktura je bila slaba, privreda primitivna, a ljudi uglavnom neobrazovani, jer se u
školstvo nije ulagalo.

Ovakve države oslanjale su se na spoljašnji kapital, a obično je vladala i velike inflacije.

Zanimljivo je da je izraz zapravo književni.

Termin “banana republika” verovatno je prvi upotrebio američki pisac Vilijam Sidni Porter koji je pisao pod pseudonimom O. Henri.

On je 1904. objavio roman “Kupus i kraljevi” i pišući o fiktivnoj Republici Anhuriji, a verovatno aludirajući na Honduras, napisao:

“U to vreme smo imali sporazum sa svakom stranom zemljom, osim Belgije, i te banana-republike, Anhurije”.

Tokom godina, termin je prvo bio prihvaćen među drugim umetnicima, pa tek onda i u političkoj teoriji.

Čileanski pesnik i Nobelovac Pablo Neruda u knjizi “Opšta pesma” (“Canto general”) iz 1950. ima pesmu pod nazivom
“La United Fruit Co”.

U drugoj strofi kaže:


“Rezervisana za najsočnije,

Centralna obala moje zemlje,

Nežni pojas Amerike.

Preimenovala je svoje teritorije

U “banana državu”

I preko usnulih mrtvih,

Preko neumornih heroja

Koju su doneli velika dela,

Slobodu i zastave,

Napravila komičnu operu.”


Danas se izraz koristi da opiše države u kojima strane firme imaju značajan uticaj na donošenje odluka vlasti
što dovodi do nastanka korupcije, kriminala, nepotizma…

U ovakvim zemljama, bogati se šačica moćnika dok ostatak stanovništva živi teško.

Vlast je nestabilna, a izbori obično sa sumnjivim rezultatima.

:think: :think: :think: :think: :think:
United Fruit Company sa svojim feudalnim posedima i kolonijalnim manirima. Imali su i svoju pomorsku zastavu i suvereno gospodarili nesamostalnim južnoameričkim državama koje je američka štampa pežoratovno nazivala “Banana republike”.

7679EF12-B8ED-42B2-820E-061F058A6643.png


Štrajkovi protiv dotične korporacije su se suzbijali metodama iz doba verskih ratova:


The Banana Massacre (Spanish: Matanza/Masacre de las bananeras[1]) was a massacre of United Fruit Company workers that occurred between December 5 and 6, 1928 in the town of Ciénaga near Santa Marta, Colombia. A strike began on November 12, 1928, when the workers ceased to work until the company would reach an agreement with them to grant them dignified working conditions.[2] After several weeks with no agreement, in which the United Fruit Company refused to negotiate with the workers, the conservative government of Miguel Abadía Méndez sent the Colombian Army in against the strikers, resulting in the massacre of 47 to 2,000 people.

U.S. officials in Colombia and United Fruit representatives portrayed the workers' strike as "communist" with a "subversive tendency" in telegrams to Frank B. Kellogg, the United States Secretary of State.[3] The Colombian government was also compelled to work for the interests of the company, considering they could cut off trade of Colombian bananas with significant markets such as the United States and Europe.[4]

Gabriel García Márquez depicted a fictional version of the massacre in his novel One Hundred Years of Solitude, as did Álvaro Cepeda Samudio in his La Casa Grande. Although García Márquez references the number of dead as around three thousand, the actual number of dead workers is unknown.

Strike​

The workers of the banana plantations in Colombia went on strike on November 12, 1928. The workers made nine demands from the United Fruit Company:

  1. Stop their practice of hiring through sub-contractors
  2. Mandatory collective insurance
  3. Compensation for work accidents
  4. Hygienic dormitories and 6-day work weeks
  5. Increase in daily pay for workers who earned less than 100 pesos per month
  6. Weekly wage
  7. Abolition of office stores
  8. Abolition of payment through coupons rather than money
  9. Improvement of hospital services[2]
The strike turned into the largest labor movement ever witnessed in the country until then. Radical members of the Liberal Party, as well as members of the Socialist and Communist Parties, participated.[5]

The workers wanted to be recognized as employees, and demanded the implementation of the Colombian legal framework of the 1920s.[6]

Massacre​

An army regiment from Bogotá was dispatched by the government to deal with the strikers, which it deemed to be subversive. Whether these troops were sent in at the behest of the United Fruit Company did not at first clearly emerge.

Three hundred soldiers were sent from Antioquia to Magdalena. There were no soldiers from Magdalena involved because General Cortés Vargas, the army-appointed military chief of the banana zone in charge of controlling the situation, did not believe they would be able to take effective actions, as they might be related to the plantation workers.[2]

The troops set up their machine guns on the roofs of the low buildings at the corners of the main square, closed off the access streets,[7]and, after issuing a five-minute warning that people should leave,[1] opened fire into a dense Sunday crowd of workers and their families including children. The people had gathered after Sunday Mass[7] to wait for an anticipated address from the governor.[8]

Number of people dead​

General Cortés Vargas, who commanded the troops during the massacre, took responsibility for 47 casualties. In reality, the exact number of casualties has never been confirmed. Herrera Soto, co-author of a comprehensive and detailed study of the 1928 strike, has put together various estimates given by contemporaries and historians, ranging from 47 to as high as 2,000.[1] According to Congressman Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, the killed strikers were thrown into the sea.[1] Other sources claim that the bodies were buried in mass graves.[2]

Among the survivors was Luis Vicente Gámez, later a famous local figure, who survived by hiding under a bridge for three days. Every year after the massacre he delivered a memorial service over the radio.

The press has reported different numbers of deaths and different opinions about the events that took place that night. The conclusion is that there is no agreed-on story, but rather diverse variations depending on the source they come from. The American press provided biased information on the strike.[2] The Colombian press was also biased depending on the political alignment of the publication. For example, the Bogotá-based newspaper El Tiempo stated that the workers were within their rights in wanting to improve their conditions. However, since the newspaper was politically conservative, they also noted that they did not agree with the strike.[2]

 
Poslednja izmena:
Telegrami Stejt Departmenta slani povodom razbijanja štrajka protiv United Fruit Company i opšteg pokolja nad štrajkačima koje je počinila marionetska vlast u Kolumbiji - prva od banana republika. U nekim drugim zemljama je United Fruit Co. (sadašnja Chiquita, ko je makar jednom jeo banane mora da mu je ime ostalo u sećanju) organizovala i pučeve i državne udare.

Dok jedeš banane otvori i Markesovih Sto godina samoće, čak je i ukus banana začinjen ljudskom krvlju.

ECD72829-5E55-4FA0-8493-06260BB3DFF2.png


Official U.S. telegrams​

Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, Frank B. Kellogg, dated December 5, 1928, stated:

I have been following Santa Marta fruit strike through United Fruit Company representative here; also through Minister of Foreign Affairs who on Saturday told me government would send additional troops and would arrest all strike leaders and transport them to a prison in Cartagena; that government would give adequate protection to American interests involved.[3]
Telegram from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 6, 1928, stated:

Feeling against the Government by the proletariat which is shared by some of the soldiers is high and it is doubtful if we can depend upon the Colombian Government for protection. May I respectfully suggest that my request for the presence within calling distance of an American warship be granted and that it stand off subject to my call ... It is admitted that the character of the strike has changed and that the disturbance is a manifestation with a subversive tendency.[3]
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 7, 1928, stated:

Situation outside Santa Marta City unquestionably very serious: outside zone is in revolt; military who have orders "not to spare ammunition" have already killed and wounded about fifty strikers. Government now talks of general offensive against strikers as soon as all troopships now on the way arrive early next week.[3]
Telegram from the U.S. Department of State to Santa Marta Consulate, dated December 8, 1928, stated:

The Legation at Bogota reports that categorical orders have been given the authorities at Santa Marta to protect all American interests. The Department does not (repeat not) desire to send a warship to Santa Marta. Keep the Department informed of all developments by telegraph.[3]
Telegram from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 9, 1928, stated:

Troop train from banana zone just arrived in Santa Marta with all American citizens. No Americans killed or wounded. Guerrilla warfare now continuing in the zone but military forces are actively engaged in clearing the district of the Communists.[3]
Dispatch from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 11, 1928, stated:

Looting and killing was carried on from the moment the announcement of a state of Martial Law was made and the fact that the American residents in the Zone came out of it alive is due to the defense they put up for six hours when they held off the mob that was bent upon killing them. I was justified in calling for help and I shall welcome the opportunity to defend the position that I took on the morning of the sixth and until the afternoon of the eighth.[3]
Dispatch from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 11, 1928, stated:

The opposition press, that is, the press of the Liberal Party, is conducting a violent campaign against the Government for the methods used in breaking up the strike, and is bandying ugly words about, especially referring to the Minister of War and the military forces, words such as murderer and assassin being used. Although the thinking people of the country realize that it was only the Government's prompt action that diverted a disaster, this insidious campaign of the Liberal press will undoubtedly work up a great deal of feeling against the Government and will tend to inculcate in the popular mind a belief that the Government was unduly hasty in protecting the interests of the United Fruit Company. The Conservative journals are defending the Government's course but I doubt that their counter-fire will suffice to do away with the damage the Liberal journals are causing.[3]
Dispatch from U.S. Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 29, 1928, stated:

I have the honor to report that the legal advisor of the United Fruit Company here in Bogotá stated yesterday that the total number of strikers killed by the Colombian military authorities during the recent disturbance reached between five and six hundred; while the number of soldiers killed was one.[3]
Dispatch from U.S. Bogotá Embassy to the US Secretary of State, dated January 16, 1929, stated:

I have the honor to report that the Bogotá representative of the United Fruit Company told me yesterday that the total number of strikers killed by the Colombian military exceeded 1000.[3]
 
United Fruit Company i firme naslednice su bile pod istragama i na sudu i zbog pomaganja i podsticanja (desnicarskog) terorizma:


Further information: United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia
In March 2007 Chiquita Brands pleaded guilty in a United States Federal court to aiding and abetting a terrorist organization, when it admitted to the payment of more than $1.7 million to the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), a group that the United States has labeled a terrorist organization since 2001. Under a plea agreement, Chiquita Brands agreed to pay $25 million in restitution and damages to the families of victims of the AUC. The AUC had been paid to protect the company's interest in the region.[49]

In addition to monetary payments, Chiquita has also been accused of smuggling weapons (3,000 AK-47s) to the AUC and in assisting the AUC in smuggling drugs to Europe.[50] Chiquita Brands admitted that they paid AUC operatives to silence union organizers and intimidate farmers into selling only to Chiquita. In the plea agreement, the Colombian government let Chiquita Brands keep the names of U.S. Citizens who brokered this agreement with the AUC secret, in exchange for relief to 390 families.

Despite calls from Colombian authorities and human rights organizations to extradite the U.S. citizens responsible for war crimes and aiding a terrorist organization, the U.S. Department of Justice has refused to grant the request, citing 'conflicts of law'. As with other high-profile cases involving wrongdoing by American companies abroad, the U.S. State Department and the U.S. Department of Justice are very careful to hand over any American citizen to be tried under another country's legal system, so for the time being Chiquita Brands International avoided a catastrophic scandal, and instead walked away with a humiliating defeat in court and eight of its employees fired.[51]
 
Telegrami Stejt Departmenta slani povodom razbijanja štrajka protiv United Fruit Company i opšteg pokolja nad štrajkačima koje je počinila marionetska vlast u Kolumbiji - prva od banana republika. U nekim drugim zemljama je United Fruit Co. (sadašnja Chiquita, ko je makar jednom jeo banane mora da mu je ime ostalo u sećanju) organizovala i pučeve i državne udare.

nažalost, jedan od mnogih zaboravljenih zločina američke neokolonijalne politike.

pod diktaturom Horhea Ubika zemlja je ostala u polufeudalnim uslovima. u njemu je dominirala zaostala oligarhija velikih zemljoposednika koji su se prvenstveno bavili uzgojem kafe. poljoprivredno zemljište je bilo izuzetno neravnomerno raspoređeno, a veliki deo indijske većine živeo je u uslovima sličnim ropstvu. sistem obvezničkog rada primorao je zadužene indijance da obeštete svoje poverioce kroz radnu službu. ako dug nije vraćen za života, on je prelazio na potomke. osim toga, sve indijance koji nisu imali ni zemlje ni stalnog posla država je primorala da rade skoro celu godinu na farmama velikih zemljoposednika

ekonomski gledano, zemlju jeste de fakto kolonizirala američka kompanija za banane koju si pomenuo. ovo je bilo odgovorno za oko 40 posto ekonomske proizvodnje. bio je najveći zemljoposednik i najznačajniji izvoznik. posedovao je praktično sve železničke linije, jedinu atlantsku luku i značajan deo brodskih ruta ka SAD. zahvaljujući sporazumu sa Ubicom, plaćala je skoro nikakav porez.

CIA je opremila Arbenzove protivnike u susednom Hondurasu oružjem i pripremila ih za invaziju. invazija pobunjenika 1954. bila je praćena preletima aviona koji su bacali bombe i letke iznad gvatemalskih gradova. njima su upravljali bivši američki vojni piloti koje je angažovala CIA.
 

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