Масакр римских легија у Тевтобуршкој шуми

Na FB stranici The Romans ostavljena je zanimljiva poruka kja se bavi posledicama poraza u Teutoburškoj šumi kako su opisani u historijskim delima tog vremena

(from Primary Historical Sources):
'They put out the eyes of some of them and cut off the hands of others; they sewed up the mouth of one of them after first cutting out his tongue, which one of the barbarians held in his hand, exclaiming "At last, you viper, you have ceased to hiss."
'In the center of the fieldnote were the whitening bones of men, as they had fled, or stood their ground, strewn everywhere or piled in heaps. Near lay fragments of weapons and limbs of horses, and also human heads, prominently nailed to trunks of trees. In the adjacent groves were the barbarous altars, on which they had immolated tribunes and first-rank centurions.'
'When the Germans were venting their rage upon their captives, an heroic act was performed by Caldus Caelius, a young man worthy in every way of his long line of ancestors, who, seizing a section of the chain with which he was bound, brought down with such force upon his own head as to cause his instant death, both his brains and his blood gushing from the wound.'
'Never was there slaughter more cruel than took place there in the marshes and woods, never were more intolerable insults inflicted by barbarians, especially those directed against the legal pleaders.'
'The troops were then marched to the furthest frontier of the Bructeri, and all the country between the rivers Amisianote and Lupia was ravaged, not far from the forest of Teutoburg where the remains of Varus and his legions were said to lie unburied.'
'Germanicus upon this was seized with an eager longing to pay the last honor to those soldiers and their general, while the whole army present was moved to compassion by the thought of their kinsfolk and friends, and, indeed, of the calamities of wars and the lot of mankind. Having sent on Caecina in advance to reconnoiter the obscure forest-passes, and to raise bridges and causeways over watery swamps and treacherous plains, they visited the mournful scenes, with their horrible sights and associations.'
'And so the Roman army now on the spot, six years after the disaster, in grief and anger, began to bury the bones of the three legions, not a soldier knowing whether he was interring the relics of a relative or a stranger, but looking on all as kinsfolk and of their own blood, while their wrath rose higher than ever against the foe. In raising the barrow Caesar laid the first sod, rendering thus a most welcome honor to the dead, and sharing also in the sorrow of those present.'
'He (The Roman Emperor, Augustus Caesar) was so greatly affected that for several months in succession he cut neither his beard nor his hair, and sometimes he could dash his head against a door, crying "Quintilius Varus, give me back my legions!"

Još jedna zanimljivaa objava sa FB stranice The Romans:

The fact that Germanicus on his campaigns in Germania recovered two of the three eagles lost by Varus is quite well known, but the fact that the Romans eventually managed to recover also the last one is not so much.The third one returned to Roman hands much later - more than 30 years after the Germanic tribes captured it.
It was regained by the forces of Legate Aulus Gabinius Secundus in 41 AD on a campaign against the Chauci under the Emperor Claudius (who had only shortly before ascended the "throne" so it was a particularly welcome episode for him).The Chauci were among the tribes that had joined the arch-traitor Arminius at the time.

However, the very last direct closure of Varus defeat did not come until another 9 years later when in 50 AD the Romans defeated a detachment of Chatti raiders(...another tribe from Arminius' former coalition) and to their amazement found among them several old slaves-former legionaries of Varus' army whom they freed.
In its time, the return of the eagles from Teutoburg(and even before that the ones from Carrhae) was much celebrated by Roman propaganda, but interestingly you only need to be born a few generations later and even fact that you are a scholar didn't guarantee that you would know about this whole glorious return.Florus (active after 100 AD) apparently didn't know about return of eagles, probably because he only used works written before even the first two eagles were recovered.
Занимљива публикација (овдје) у којој су приложени текстови поглавља књига римских писаца, историчара, савременика догађаја и оних који су писали нешто касније, кроз која су описали масакр римских легија у Тевтобуршкој шуми
Како због ограничења броја карактера не могу приложити цео текст, у спојлеру прилажем поглавља Петеркула и Светонија гдје описују овај масакр.
The Battle of Teutoburg Forest

"The result of this disaster was that the empire, which had not stopped on the shores of the Ocean, was checked on the banks of the Rhine."
Florus, Epitome of Roman History (II.30)

Paterculus, Roman History, II

118 But the Germans, who with their great ferocity combine great craft, to an extent scarcely credible to one who has had no experience with them, and are a race to lying born, by trumping up a series of fictitious lawsuits, now provoking one another to disputes, and now expressing their gratitude that Roman justice was settling these disputes, that their own barbarous nature was being softened down by this new and hitherto unknown method, and that quarrels which were usually settled by arms were now being ended by law, brought Quintilius to such a complete degree of negligence, that he came to look upon himself as a city praetor administering justice in the forum, and not a general in command of an army in the heart of Germany. 2 Thereupon appeared a young man of noble birth, brave in action and alert in mind, possessing an intelligence quite beyond the ordinary barbarian; he was, namely, Arminius, the son of Sigimer, a prince of that nation, and he showed in his countenance and in his eyes the fire of the mind within. He had been associated with us constantly on private campaigns, and had even attained the dignity of equestrian rank. This young man made use of the negligence of the general as an opportunity for treachery, sagaciously seeing that no one could be more quickly overpowered than the man who feared nothing, and that the most common beginning of disaster was a sense of security. 3 At first, then, he admitted but a few, later a large number, to a share in his design; he told them, and convinced them too, that the Romans could be crushed, added execution to resolve, and named a day for carrying out the plot. 4 This was disclosed to Varus through Segestes, a loyal man of that race and of illustrious name, who also demanded that the conspirators be put in chains. But fate now dominated the plans of Varus and had blindfolded the eyes of his mind. Indeed, it is usually the case that heaven perverts the judgement of the man whose fortune it means to reverse, and brings it to pass — and this is the wretched part of it — that that which happens by chance seems to be deserved, and accident passes over into culpability. And so Quintilius refused to believe the story, and insisted upon judging the apparent friendship of the Germans toward him by the standard of his merit. And, after this first warning, there was no time left for a second.

119 The details of this terrible calamity, the heaviest that had befallen the Romans on foreign soil since the disaster of Crassus in Parthia, I shall endeavour to set forth, as others have done, in my larger work. Here I can merely lament the disaster as a whole. 2 An army unexcelled in bravery, the first of Roman armies in discipline, in energy, and in experience in the field, through the negligence of its general, the perfidy of the enemy, and the unkindness of fortune was surrounded, nor was as much opportunity as they had wished given to the soldiers either of fighting or of extricating themselves, except against heavy odds; nay, some were even heavily chastised for using the arms and showing the spirit of Romans. Hemmed in by forests and marshes and ambuscades, it was exterminated almost to a man by the very enemy whom it had always slaughtered like cattle, whose life or death had depended solely upon the wrath or the pity of the Romans. 3 The general had more courage to die than to fight, for, following the example of his father and grandfather, he ran himself through with his sword. 4 Of the two prefects of the camp, Lucius Eggius furnished a precedent as noble as that of Ceionius was base, who, after the greater part of the army had perished, proposed its surrender, preferring to die by torture at the hands of the enemy than in battle. Vala Numonius, lieutenant of Varus, who, in the rest of his life, had been an inoffensive and an honourable man, also set a fearful example in that he left the infantry unprotected by the cavalry and in flight tried to reach the Rhine with his squadrons of horse. But fortune avenged his act, for he did not survive those whom he had abandoned, but died in the act of deserting them. 5 The body of Varus, partially burned, was mangled by the enemy in their barbarity; his head was cut off and taken to Maroboduus and was sent by him to Caesar; but in spite of the disaster it was honoured by burial in the tomb of his family.

120 On hearing of this disaster, Caesar flew to his father's side. The constant protector of the Roman empire again took up his accustomed part. Dispatched to Germany, he reassured the provinces of Gaul, distributed his armies, strengthened the garrison towns, and then, measuring himself by the standard of his own greatness, and not by the presumption of an enemy who threatened Italy with a war like that of the Cimbri and Teutones, he took the offensive and crossed the Rhine with his army. 2 He thus made aggressive war upon the p305enemy when his father and his country would have been content to let him hold them in check, he penetrated into the heart of the country, opened up military roads, devastated fields, burned houses, routed those who came against him, and, without loss to the troops with which he had crossed, he returned, covered with glory, to winter quarters.

3 Due tribute should be paid to Lucius Asprenas, who was serving as lieutenant under Varus his uncle, and who, backed by the brave and energetic support of the two legions under his command, saved his army from this great disaster, and by a quick descent to the quarters of the army in Lower Germany strengthened the allegiance of the races even on the hither side of the Rhine who were beginning to waver. There are those, however, who believed that, though he had saved the lives of the living, he had appropriated to his own use the property of the dead who were slain with Varus, and that inheritances of the slaughtered army were claimed by him at pleasure. 4 The valour of Lucius Caedicius, prefect of the camp, also deserves praise, and of those who, pent up with him at Aliso, were besieged by an immense force of Germans. For, overcoming all their difficulties which want rendered unendurable and the forces of the enemy almost insurmountable, following a design that was carefully considered, and using a vigilance that was ever on the alert, they watched their chance, and with the sword won their way back to their friends. 5 From all this it is evident that Varus, who was, it must be confessed, a man of character and of good intentions, lost his life and his magnificent army more through lack of judgement in the commander than of valour in his soldiers. 6 When the Germans were venting their rage upon their captives, an heroic act was performed by Caldus Caelius, a young man worthy in every way of his long line of ancestors, who, seizing a section of the chain with which he was bound, brought down with such force upon his own head as to cause his instant death, both his brains and his blood gushing from the wound.

Suetonius, Life of Augustus, XXIII

"He suffered but two severe and ignominious defeats, those of Lollius and Varus, both of which were in Germany. Of these the former was more humiliating than serious, but the latter was almost fatal, since three legions were cut to pieces with their general, his lieutenants, and all the auxiliaries. When the news of this came, he ordered that watch be kept by night throughout the city, to prevent outbreak, and prolonged the terms of the governors of the provinces, that the allies might be held to their allegiance by experienced men with whom they were acquainted. 2 He also vowed great games to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, in case the condition of the commonwealth should improve, a thing which had been done in the Cimbric and Marsic wars. In fact, they saw that he was so greatly affected that for several months in succession he cut neither his beard nor his hair, and sometimes he would dash his head against a door, crying: 'Quintilius Varus, give me back my legions!' And he observed the day of the disaster each year as one of sorrow and mourning."

Suetonius, Life of Tiberius, XVII-XVIII

17 Circumstances gave this exploit a larger and crowning glory; for it was at just about that time that Quintilius Varus perished with three legions in Germany, and no one doubted that the victorious Germans would have united with the Pannonians, had not Illyricum been subdued first. Consequently a triumph was voted him and many high honours. 2 Some also recommended that he be given the surname of Pannonicus, others of Invictus, others of Pius. Augustus however vetoed the surname, reiterating the promise that Tiberius would be satisfied with one which he would receive at his father's death. Tiberius himself put off the triumph, because the country was in mourning for the disaster to Varus; but he entered the city clad in the purple-bordered toga and crowned with laurel, and mounting a tribunal which had been set up in the Saepta, while the senate stood alongside, he took his seat beside Augustus between the two consuls. Having greeted the people from this position, he was escorted to the various temples.

18 The next year he returned to Germany, and realising that the disaster to Varus was due to that general's rashness and lack of care, he took no step without the approval of a council; while he had always before been a man of independent judgment and self-reliance, then contrary to his habit he consulted with many advisers about the conduct of the campaign. He also observed more scrupulous care than usual. When on the point of crossing the Rhine, he reduced all the baggage to a prescribed limit, and would not start without standing on the bank and inspecting the loads of the wagons, to make sure that nothing was taken except what was allowed or necessary. 2 Once on the other side, he adopted the following manner of life: he took his meals sitting on the bare turf, often passed the night without a tent, and gave all his orders for the following day, as well as notice of any sudden emergency, in writing; adding the injunction that if anyone was in doubt about any matter, he was to consult him personally at any hour whatsoever, even of the night.

This iron face mask of a Roman standard bearer is the most impressive
artifact in the museum collection, the spear heads the most ominous.


Након катастрофе у Тевтобуршкој шуми част Рима је повратио Германик Јулије Цезар (овдје), млади и енергични војсковођа који ће до 16-године и након двије одлучујуће побједе повратити контролу над Германијом.
Документарац који обрађује Германиков живот.
Њемци су прије двије године уз Нетфликсову "подршку" урадили серију Barbarians (2020) кроз коју су обрадили те личности и догађаје као и сам масакр у Тевтобуршкој шуми. Кроз ову објаву осврнуо сам се на прву сезону ове серије. изнио и неке замјерке.
Недавно је одрађена и друга сезона ове серије.
Кроз коју пратимо догађаје након масакра у Тевтобуршкој шуми.
На потфоруму филм сам се осврнуо о добрим и лошим странама серије са филмског гледишта, овдје ћу се осврнути колико је по мени испоштована историјска вјеродостојност.
Као и у првој сезони доста добро је дочаран амбијент тог времена, начин живота, вјеровања и вриједности систем који је владао. Испоштован је и језик, Римљани зборе латинским, не модерним него класичним какав се зборио почетком принципата, Германи њемачким.
За разлику од прве сезоне гдје се више тежило вјеродостојности, па и неким детаљима (рецимо камени нож или сјекира код Германа) који би због реалистичности били више наглашени и гдје се више испоштовала ријеч историчара у другој сезони имамо нешто више фикције, као и произвољнијег приказа па и код обраде историјских личности, више се робовало гледаности и драматургији на рачун вјеродостојности, но то је и тако неки задати образац који ваља слиједити.

Историјских нетачности има доста више него у првој сезони. Некако се зарад "расне коректности" морала убацити и црникња у серији, па је убачена нека црна робиња ратница, са поријеклом из неког племена које је Германик поклао укључујући и њеног оца. Проблем јесте што Германик (Germanicus Julius Caesar) бјеше у вријеме обраде догађаја у серији још јако млад, око 25 година, никакве службе није имао током сукоба Рима са Нубијом/Кушом, јужно од Египта или у Мауретанији, гдје Римљани јесу тих деценија имали кампање, одакле би могуће било поријекло те црнкиње, заправо имао је службу током гушења Батонове побуне на нашим просторима, а нешто сумњам да су жене на овим просторима биле у том времену тако преплануле.
Кроз серију имамо произвољан и тенденциозан приказ догађаја, годину-двије након масакра у Тевтобуршкој шуми, и подоста у супротности са описом који су дали римски историчари и писци, приказано је и заробљавање Таснелде но оно се према свјеточењу римских писаца десило неколико година послије него ли је у серији приказано, 15.године н.е. током друге Германикове кампање и прије Тумеликовог рођења.
И обрада ;Маробода, моћног маркоманског краља као и поступци су и превише произвољни, повремено и банализовани, ту се угађало западној публици која на филмске садржаје гледа као на разбибригу и додатак ријалити садржајима. Такође имамо и подвлађивање неким модерним трендовима у филмској умјетности, непотребна и нападна хомосексуализација, па и Маробод постаде пе.дер, шта да се ради, ел-ге-те-бе лоби је овладао токовима новца, пошаст модерног времена.
И поред одрђених мана и историјских нетачности, има их још поред побројаних, мишљења сам да је друга сезона иако не прати ниво прве сезоне, вриједна гледања и да може помоћи бољем сагледавању и разумијевању тог времена.


Thusnelda at the Triumph of Germanicus, by Karl von Piloty, painted 1873.
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