Dodatak, od istog autora:
Samu logistichku podrsku za likvidaciju sa domace strane-kao sto je sachekivanje atentatora i njegovo odvozenje preko granice neposredno posle eliminisanja Djindjica, itd, to je bio zadatak neposrednog Djindjicevog okruzenja,istih onih koji su mu po starom mafijashkom obichaju drzali govor nad rakom na beogradskom Novom groblju.
Uz ovo prigodan tekst iz Guardiana (prvo originalan, ispod sledi prevod):
The quisling of Belgrade
The murdered Serbian prime minister was a reviled western stooge whose economic reforms brought misery
Neil Clark
Friday March 14, 2003
The Guardian
Tributes to Zoran Djindjic, the assassinated prime minister of Serbia, have been pouring in. President Bush led the way, praising his "strong leadership", while the Canadian government's spokesman extolled a "heralder of democracy" and Tony Blair spoke of the energy Djindjic had devoted to "reforming Serbia".
In western newspaper obituaries Djindjic has been almost universally acclaimed as an ex-student agititator who bravely led a popular uprising against a tyrannical dictator and endeavoured to steer his country into a new democratic era.
But beyond the CNN version of world history, the career of Zoran Djindjic looks rather different. Those who rail against the doctrine of regime change should remember that Iraq is far from being the first country where the US and other western governments have tried to engineer the removal of a government that did not suit their strategic interests. Three years ago it was the turn of Slobodan Milosevic's Yugoslavia.
In his recent biography of Milosevic, Adam LeBor reveals how the US poured $70m into the coffers of the Serb opposition in its efforts to oust the Yugoslav leader in 2000. On the orders of Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, a covert US Office of Yugoslav Affairs was set up to help organise the uprising that would sweep the autocratic Milosevic from power.
At the same time, there is evidence that underworld groups, controlled by Zoran Djindjic and linked to US intelligence, carried out a series of assassinations of key supporters of the Milosevic regime, including Defence Minister Pavle Bulatovic and Zika Petrovic, head of Yugoslav Airlines.
With Slobo and his socialist party finally toppled, the US got the "reforming" government in Belgrade it desired. The new President Vojislav Kostunica received the bouquets, but it was the State Department's man, Zoran Djindjic, who held the levers of power - and he certainly did not let his Washington sponsors down.
The first priority was to embark on a programme of "economic reform" - new-world-order-speak for the selling of state assets at knockdown prices to western multinationals. Over 700,000 Yugoslav enterprises remained in social ownership and most were still controlled by employee-management committees, with only 5% of capital privately owned. Companies could only be sold if 60% of the shares were allocated to workers.
Djindjic moved swiftly to change the law and the great sell-off could now begin. After two years in which thousands of socially owned enterprises have been sold (many to companies from countries which took part in the 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia), last month's World Bank report was lavish in its praise of the Djindjic government and its "engagement of international banks in the privatisation process".
But it wasn't just state assets that Djindjic was under orders to sell. Milosevic had to go too, for a promised $100m, even if it effectively meant kidnapping him in contravention of Yugoslav law, and sending him by RAF jet to a US-financed show trial at the Hague. When a man has sold his country's assets, its ex-president and his main political rivals, what else is there to sell? Only the country itself. And in January this year Djindjic did just that. Despite the opposition of most of its citizens, the "heralder of democracy" followed the requirements of the "international community" and after 74 years the name of Yugoslavia disappeared off the political map. The strategic goal of its replacement with a series of weak and divided protectorates had finally been achieved.
Sometimes, though, even the best executed plans go awry. Despite the western eulogies, Djindjic will be mourned by few in Serbia. For the great majority of Serbs, he will be remembered as a quisling who enriched himself by selling his country to those who had waged war against it so mercilessly only a few years earlier. Djindjic's much lauded reforms have led to soaring utility prices, unemployment has risen sharply to over 30%, real wages have fallen by up to 20% and over two-thirds of Serbs now live below the poverty line.
It is still unclear who fired the shots that killed Zoran Djindjic. The likelihood is that it was an underworld operation, his links to organised crime finally catching up with him. But, harsh though it sounds, there are many in Serbia who would willingly have pulled the trigger. On a recent visit to Belgrade, I was struck not only by the level of economic hardship, but by the hatred almost everyone I met felt towards their prime minister, whose poll ratings had fallen below 10%.
The lesson from Serbia for today's serial regime changers is a simple one. You can try to subjugate a people by sanctions, subversion and bombs. You can, if you wish, overthrow governments you dislike and seek to impose your will by installing a Hamid Karzai, General Tommy Franks or a Zoran Djindjic to act as imperial consul. But do not imagine that you can then force a humiliated people to pay homage to them.
Embarassed Embarassed Embarassed
Evo i prevoda:
BEOGRADSKI KVISLING
Ubijeni srpski premijer
bio je ozloglašeni zapadni poslušnik
čije su ekonomske reforme donele bedu.
Neil Clark
Petak, 14. mart 2003.
The Guardian (London)
Počasti Zoranu Đinđiću, ubijenom srpskom premijeru,
pljušte kao kiša. Prvi je počeo predsednik Buš,
hvaleći njegovo "snažno vođstvo", dok je portparol
kanadske vlade veličao "vesnika demokratije",
a Toni Bler govorio o energiji koju je Đinđić
posvetio "reformisanju Srbije".
U čituljama zapadnih listova Đinđić je
skoro uvek slavljen kao bivši student-agitator,
koji je hrabro poveo narodni ustanak protiv
okrutnog diktatora i pokušao da uvede svoju zemlju
u novu demokratsku eru.
Ali izvan CNN-ove verzije svetske istorije,
karijera Zorana Đinđića izgleda prilično drugačije.
Oni koji se ograđuju od doktrine promene režima
trebalo bi da se sete da Irak nije prva zemlja
u kojoj su američka i druge zapadne vlade pokušale
organizovati uklanjanje vlade koja nije odgovarala
njihovim strateškim interesima. Pre tri godine,
na redu je bila Miloševićeva Jugoslavija.
U svojoj nedavnoj biografiji Miloševića,
Adam LeBor otkriva kako su Sjedinjene Države
natrpale 70 miliona dolara u kofere srpske opozicije
u njenom naporu da zbaci jugoslovenskog lidera 2000. godine.
Po naređenju državnog sekretara Madlen Olbrajt,
tajna američka kancelarija za jugoslovenske poslove
bila je pripremljena da potpomogne organizovanje ustanka
koji bi zbrisao autokratskog Miloševića sa vlasti.
Istovremeno, postoje dokazi da su podzemne kriminalne
grupe, kontrolisane od strane Zorana Đinđića
i povezane sa američkom obaveštajnom službom,
izvele serije uspelih atentata ključnih ljudi
koji su podržavali Miloševićev režim,
uključujući ministra odbrane Pavla Bulatovića
i Žiku Petrovića, šefa jugoslovenskog avioprevoza.
Kada su Slobo i njegova Socijalistička partija konačno pali,
Sjedinjene Države su dobile "reformističku" vladu
u Beogradu kakvu su želele. Novi predsednik Vojislav
Koštunica je primio bukete, ali poluge moći je držao
čovek Stejt Dipartmenta Zoran Đinđić - i on sigurno
svoje vašingtonske sponzore nije izneverio !
Prvi prioritet je bio uvođenje programa "ekonomskih reformi"
- što je izraz novog svetskog poretka za rasprodaju
državne imovine u bescenje multinacionalnim kompanijama.
Preko 700 000 jugoslovenskih preduzeća ostalo je
u društvenom vlasništvu i uglavnom je bilo kontrolisano
od strane radničkih odbora, sa svega 5% kapitala u
privatnom vlasništvu. Kompanije su mogle biti prodate
ako je manje od 60% kapitala pripadalo radnicima.
Đinđić je brzo promenio zakone i rasprodaja je mogla
da počne. Posle dve godine u kojima je hiljade društvenih
preduzeća bilo prodato, (mnoga kompanijama koje su
učestvovale u bombardovanju Jugoslavije 1999.),
prošlomesečni izveštaj Svetske banke je obilovao pohvalama
Đinđićevoj vladi i njenom "angažovanju internacionalnih
banaka u procesu privatizacije".
Ali Đinđiću nije bilo naređeno da proda samo državnu imovinu.
Milošević je takođe morao da ode, za obećanu nagradu od
sto miliona dolara, čak ako je to značilo i njegovo
kidnapovanje u suprotnosti sa jugoslovenskim zakonima
i slanje avionom RAF-a na američki finansirano režirano
suđenje u Hag. Kad je prodao imovinu svoje zemlje,
njenog bivšeg predsednika i svoje političke rivale,
šta je ješ ostalo da se proda ? Jedino još sama država.
I januara ove godine Đinđić je upravo to i uradio.
Uprkos suprostavljanju većine njenih građana,
"vesnik demokratije" sledio je zahteve "međunarodne
zajednice" i posle 74 godine ime Jugoslavije
nestalo je sa političke mape. Strateški cilj njene zamene
serijom slabih, podeljenih protektorata konačno je
bio postignut.
Ponekad, ipak, i najbolje izvedeni planovi krenu naopako.
Uprkos zapadnim hvalospevima, malo će Srba oplakivati
Đinđića. ZA VELIKU VEĆINU SRBA, ĐINĐIĆ ĆE OSTATI
ZAPAMĆEN KAO KVISLING KOJI SE OBOGATIO PRODAJUĆI SVOJU ZEMLJU
ONIMA KOJI SU TAKO NEMILOSRDNO VODILI RAT PROTIV NJE,
svega nekoliko godina ranije. Đinđićeve toliko hvaljene
reforme podigle su cene komunalnih usluga nebu pod oblake,
nezaposlenost je oštro skočila na 30%, i skoro dve trećine
Srba sada živi ispod linije siromaštva
Još nije jasno ko je ispalio hice koji su ubili
Zorana Đinđića. Verovatnoća je da je to bila operacija
podzemlja, njegove veze sa organizovanim kriminalom
konačno su ga sustigle. Ali, ma kako to surovo zvučalo,
ima mnogo ljudi u Srbiji koji bi rado povukli obarač.
U svojoj nedavnoj poseti Beogradu, bio sam pogođen
ne samo razinom ekonomske nepravde, nego i mržnjom
skoro svakoga koga sam sreo prema premijeru, čijia
je popularnost u narodu pala ispod 10%
Lekcija iz srbije za današnje serijske menjače režima
je jednostavna. Možete pokušati da podjarmite
ljude sankcijama, razaranjem i bombana. Možete,
ako želite, da zbacite vlade koje vam se ne dopadaju,
pmožete okušavati da nametnete svoju volju postavljanjem
Hamida Karzaija, generala Tomija Frenksa ili Zorana Đinđića
da glume imperijalne konzule. Ali ne zamišljajte da možete
naterati poniženi narod da ih poštuje.
(Neil Klark pise knigu o nedavnoj istoriji Jugoslavije) Exclamation
On se prije nekih tri mjeseca na Forumu Ljubav i sex izjasnio kao gay...Pa ti sada idi na kaficu... :shock: 
