Цар Самоил (Македонска Склавиниа)

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Прва Македонска држава и македонске кнежевине-склавиниите

Први македонски склавинии (кнежевине) јављају се крајем 6. века.
Сви становници склавиниите по византијски извори називају Словенима (склавенои). Склавиниите стапувале често у алијанси међу собом због бољег напада на Византијског царства, а касније и као одбрана од Византије и Бугарске.
(Литература: R. Rsler, ber der Zeitpunkt der slawischen Ansiedlung an der unteren Donau, Sitz. Ber. W. Akad., Bd. 73 (1873), S. 77—126.)

Македонски склавинии су државне формације,А у 7 веку су формирали своју државу Македонску Склавинија.
(Теофан, Цхронограпхиа, приредио Царолус из Боор (Лајпциг, 1883), И, стр 347.).

Та држава је била држава етничких Македонаца, зафакјајки јануар географска Македонија Пеонија, Доња Мезија,западна Тракија.
Macodnian_Sklavinia.png


Свака држава имала своју лидера, тако и Македонија.
Као први краљ је био Рекс ХАТСОН. Пон византијске средњовјековне књижевности, македонски крал Хатсон познат као Рекс Хатсон и назив долази од латинског термина Рекс, која означава краља. Рекс Хатсон водио први средњевековне македонске државе на 20 година 7. век
(Мирац., ИИ п.1325-1333).
Други чувени краљеви прве средњевековне македонске државе је ПРЕБОНД краља, који је владао у 70 година 7. века
(Извор: "Мирац, ИИ. П.1325-1333. /" Мирац. "ИИ стр.4, Тоугард, стр.148-176).

Е крајем 8. века, византијa уништава Македонскa Склавинија и дели је на-склавинии кнежевине. Онда склавиниите су дужни да плате порез Византије, али је задржала унутрашње самоуправе, аристократије и кнезовима.
У 9. веку, део Македоније, углавном северни, централни и источне Македоније, потпадају под Бугарско царство.
 
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Цар Самоил је син Брсјачког кнеза Никола који је владао Брсјачка Склавинија у средини 9 века. Византијце, славенска титула кнез преводу као комитопул. Зато, не само татко Никола, него и његове синове Давид, Мојсеј, Самуил и Арон у визанијске изворе се спомињају као комитопули – кнезови (Skyl.—Cedr., ibid., II, p. 347). Кнезови (грчки: комитопули) су владари македонских средновековни кнежества такозвани склавинии. Македонски склавинии су основали македонски словени (склавени).

Борбе са Бугарија:
У 968 г. истинска Бугарија (територија измеџу Дунав и Стара Планина) је нападната од русија у рисо прелазечи Бугарију напредују према Византија. У 969 г. користучи заузетост Бугарији са руске нападе, 4те Брсјачки кнезови (комитопули) кренули су бунт против Бугарија и су отцепили Берзитију, а према њих су почели да се прикључавају и остале делове етничку Македонију (Васил Н. Златарски, История на Първото българско Царство. II. От славянизацията на държавата до падането на Първото царство (852—1018), страна 609). И је формирана нова македонска држава, отцепили си се македонски етнички територији из зависности Бугарије.

У 970 г. бугарске цареве Роман и Борис II нападају државу 4 брсјачке кнезове, са циљ да је уништу и да задушу востаније средновековних Македонаца.
(Skyl.255.73-80).
Но, Бугарија ослабљена од руске нападе и од борба са Византију није успела да задуши овај бунт у Македонији шротив њихова власт.

Борбе са Византија:
У 971 г. Византија је покорила Бугарија, а у 973 г. и новоформирана, непризнана Самоилова држава, осим Берзитија, за коју се смета да је остала непокорена. Након смрт Византиског Императора Јован Цимискиј, у 976 г. комитопуле кревају ново востаније, сада против Византија (Skyl.328f).

Бугарскија развластени Цар Роман као савезник Византије против Самоила:

У 977 г. бугарске сацареве Борис и Роман су ослобоџене од Византија и прачени у Бугарија за да се бору против комитопуле. Борис II је био убијен од “бугарски“ граничар, а Роман отишао у Видин
(Skyl.—Cedr., ibid., II, p. 4357–13 ).
Роман заједно са истинске Бугара се борио у корист Византијце против Самоила и је стигао до Скопље. Откако је освојио Скопље, бугарин Роман је предао град на визатнискија цар Василиј II и за то велико дело Роман је био назначен за стратег на Абидос, а је добио и ромејску почест сан патрициј и препозит
(Skul—Cedr., ibid., II, p. 45513–18 ).

Неки историчари сматрају да је Самоило био наклоњен богумилима, из разлога што су били једина организована анти-византијска странка, јасне словенске орјентације, у Македонији.[2] Они су се противили ромејској власти и хеленизацији цркве и народа.

Самоило је кренуо да проширује своје земље користећи се унутрашњим сукобима у Византији и њеном заузетошћу на другим странама.
Његовој држави припојени су: Епир, Тесалија, Дукља, Рашка, Босна, Травунија, Срем, Албанија и Подунавска Бугарска.
Самоило се након тога прогласио за цара позивајући се на титулу Симеона Великог, уздигао је Охридску архиепископију на ранг патријаршије, а престоницу из Преспе преместио у Охрид.
Приликом заузимања Дукље заробљава Јована Владимира, али га врло брзо враћа на дукљански престо као мужа своје ћерке Косаре и свог зета.
Византијски покушај да га заустави 996. године окончао се поразом код Солуна, после чега се Самуило још више оснажује и 997. године продире до Коринта и Пелопонеза.

Samuilovo_carstvo.jpg


Самоило 1001. године покреће офанзиву ка Адријанопољу и Цариграду, али у тај сукоб окончава 1004. године његовим поразом, мада су његове трупе преко Филипоља стигле до Адријанопоља. Последица тога је византијско заузимање скоро половине његове земље.
Коначни ударац десио се на планини Беласици, у близини Струмице, 1014. године у којој је византијска војска, под командом цара Василија II до ногу потукла Самоилове трупе, након чега је уследила свирепа одмазда над заробљеницима. Око 14.000 заробљених Словена је по царевој наредби ослепљено, док је сваком стотом (или хиљадитом) остављено по једно око да би могао да води остале.

Када је Самоило видео своју оковану и ослепљену војску умро је на месту од срчане капи. Брзо након овога Самоилова држава је пропала услед династичких трвења међу његовим наследницима.
Самоило је познат и по надгробној плочи коју је подигао својим родитељима (Самоилов натпис из 993. године), која спада у један од најстаријих сачуваних словенских натписа.

Samuilovacasa.jpg


Чаша цара Самоела.
 
Poslednja izmena od moderatora:
Nakon toga njegovi potencijalni naslednici ubijaju Jovana Vladimira zbog mogućnosti da preko žene dođe na Makedonski presto.

Njega zvanična istorija smatra Bugarinom ali na jednom mestu Jereček govori o ovim razmiricama da se Duklja i Raška za koju nema podataka ali se predpostavlja da je pala pod vlast Bugara
oslobodile herojstvom Makedonskog naroda.

Tu je jako mutno jer se sve pominje kao Bugarsko a onda od jednom Makedonski narod suprodstavljen Bugarima.
 
Nakon toga njegovi potencijalni naslednici ubijaju Jovana Vladimira zbog mogućnosti da preko žene dođe na Makedonski presto.

Tu je jako mutno jer se sve pominje kao Bugarsko a onda od jednom Makedonski narod suprodstavljen Bugarima.

Е па галедај овако.
Прво има једина плоча коју је он направио својим родитељима.
Сачуван је само један кратак текст његове оригиналне плоче (Герман-Преспа)
n116138180105_5551878_2396.jpg


samuilinscriptionmn1.png


На овој плочи лепо пише да му је име СамОил.
Док бугари су направини један фалсификат на којој стоји да СамУел.

Ваљда је човек знао право своје име!!!!

Друго тремин бугарин - су Византици-Ромеи користили за људе неписменог и простог карагтера.
Они су све нас све тако називали и писали.Византиско царство је у то време било подељено по темама-за књиге.
Тако да у термин булгариа су спадали и Србија,Македонија,Црна Гора и Албанија део.Ево мапе.
ThemesintheByzantineEmpireunderBasilII.jpg

Јер видиш да је Македонија тема где је данашња Бугарска,А на месту данашње Србије и Македоније тема је била Бугларија..
И све становнике су писали по темама,не по националности или припадносто неког народа.

Ево пример!

Теофилакт Охридски, Грк родум из Еврип, је Архиепископ Оридској Архиепископији из 1090г. До 1119г. Познат је по што је написао “Пространото Св. Климентово Житије“ где објашњава да за њего Бугари су жители византијску тему Бугарија т.ј. то су географски Бугари. Теофилакт и сами собом се сматрао Бугарин.
textteofilakt158.jpg


Српски академик Петар Дагашевиќ, према крају 19 века је био у Тесалија и Грчка, при што каже:
“Грци ме зову Бугар, иако сам Србин из Србије... реч бугар означава Словен““ (Petar Dragasevic “Makedonski Sloveni”, 1890 g., Beograd)

Надам се да ти је сада јасније.
 
Poslednja izmena:
Pa da problem je nastao kada su se proto Bugari izmešali i podčinili deo slovenskog naroda tu se verovatno niko više nije razlikovao.

Drugi razlog je bio što su Bugari još u postojbini na granicama Vizantije primili Hrišćanstvo u 4 veku.

sa dolaskom na današnje teritorije dobili su brzo autokefalnost crkve pa su na taj način gotovo legalno uz Vizantijsku pomoć asimilovali slovene kao pečurke.
 
Срђан Пириватрић

Самуилова држава
Обим и карактер

Византолошки Институт
Спрске Академије Наука и Уметности
Посебна Издања
Књига 21

Уредник
Божидаr Ферјанчић
директор Византолошког института

Београд 1997

srpir_korica_s.jpg


Пълен текст на книгата / Full text of the book: http://www.promacedonia.org/srpir/index.html
 
Някои средновековни извори за царството на Самуил / Some medieval sources about the Samuel's Empire:

1. Византийският автор Йоан Скилица, 11 век / The Byzantine author John Skylitzes, 11th century:

The Battle of Kleidion, 29 July 1014

Reigns of Basil and Constantine, c. 35 (ed. Thurn, pp. 348-9)

The emperor [Basil] did not relent, but every year he marched into Bulgaria and laid waste and ravaged all before him. [The Bulgarian ruler] Samuel was not able to resist openly, nor to face the emperor in open warfare, so, weakened from all sides, he came down from his lofty lair to fortify the entrance to Bulgaria with ditches and fences. Knowing that the emperor always made his incursions through so-called “Kiava Longon” 1 and [the pass known as] “Kleidion,” he undertook to fortify the difficult terrain to deny the emperor access. A very wide fence ( phragmon ) was built and worthy defenders were committed to it to stand against the emperor. When he arrived and made an attempt to enter [Bulgaria], the guards defended the wall manfully and bombarded and wounded the attackers from above. When the emperor had thus despaired of gaining passage, Nikephoros Xiphias, the strategos of Philippopolis, met with the emperor and urged him to stay put and continue to assault the wall, while, as he explained, he turned back with his men and, heading round to the south of Kleidion through rough and trackless country, crossed the very high mountain known as Belasica. On 29 July, in the twelfth indiction [1014, Xiphias and his men] descended suddenly on the Bulgarians, from behind and screaming battle cries. Panic stricken by the sudden assault [the Bulgarians] turned to flee, while the emperor broke through the abandoned wall. Many [Bulgarians] fell and many more were captured; Samuel barely escaped from danger with the aid of his son, who fought nobly against his attackers, placed him on a horse, and made for the fortress known as Prilep. The emperor blinded the Bulgarian captives -- around 15,000 they say -- and he ordered every hundred to be led back to Samuel by a one-eyed man. And when [Samuel] saw the equal and ordered detachments returning he could not bear it manfully nor with courage, but was himself struck blind and fell in a faint to the ground. His companions revived him for a short time with water and smelling salts, and somewhat recovered he asked for a sip of cold water. Taking a gulp he had a heart attack and died two days later on 6 October.


http://homepage.mac.com/paulstephenson/trans/scyl1.html


2. Български превод на хрониката на Константин Манасий, 14 век / The Bulgarian translation of the Manasses Chronicle, XIV century:

500px-SamuilsDeathBGhistory.jpg


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Kleidion


3. Летопис Попа Дукљанина:

XXXIII
Kraljevstvo naslijedi Tuđemir i, pošto se oženio, rodi sina koga nazva Hvalimir. U to vrijeme u bugarskom narodu se uzdignu neki Samuil, koji je zapovijedio da ga zovu carem, i vodio je mnogo ratova protiv Grka, koje izbači iz čitave Bugarske, tako da u njegovo vrijeme oni nijesu više smjeli da se približe toj strani.


http://www.montenegrina.net/pages/p...etopis_pop_dukljanina_latinicna_redakcija.htm


4. Византийският автор Кекавмен, 11 век / The Byzantine writer Cecaumenus, 11th century:

It was in this way that, in the gorge of Zagora, the porphyrogenitus Emperor Lord Basil captured fourteen thousand Bulgarians, headed by the excellent warrior Samuil.

http://www.promacedonia.org/en/ban/ma1.html#11


5. Грамоти на византийския император Василий II Българоубиец за създаването на Охридската и на цяла България архиепископия / Charters by the Byzantine Emperor Basil II the Bulgar Slayer about the foundation of the Archbishopric of Ohrid and whole Bulgaria:

Many and great are the favours which man-loving God has at different times conferred upon our Empire and which surpass all number; the greatest of them is that the Byzantine State has expanded and that the State of the Bulgarians has passed under one yoke /with it/.
Therefore on account of this we confirm the most pious monk Ioan to be Archbishop of Bulgaria and to direct affairs relating to the archbishopric.


http://www.promacedonia.org/en/ban/ma1.html#12


6. Битолски надпис на цар Иван Владислав / The Bitola Inscription of Tsar Ivan Vladislav

350px-Bitolski_nadpis.jpg


† Въ лѣто [...] отъ створенїа мира обнови сѧ съ градь зидаемъ и дѣлаемъ Їѡаном самодрьжъцемъ блъгарьскомь и помощїѫ и молїтвамї прѣс ҃тыѧ влад ҃чицѧ нашеѧ Б ҃чѧ ї въз()стѫпенїе I ҃В ҃ ı връховънюю ап ҃лъсъ же градь дѣлань бысть на ѹбѣжище и на сп҃сенѥ ї на жизнь бльгаромъ начѧть же бысть градь сь Битола м ҃ца окто ҃вра въ К ҃ [...] быстъ бльгарїнь родомь [...] благовѣрьнѹ сынь Арона [...] іаже ı разбїсте [...] кде же взѧто бы [...] ц҃рь [...] оть створенїѧ мира ...[...] и сходѧщѹ

http://sr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Битољски_натпис
 
Poslednja izmena:
Анализът на един съвременен германски историк за анахроничната югославска македонизация на цар Самуил / The analysis of a contemporary German Historian about the anachronistic yugoslav macedonization of Tsar Samuel:


Ulf Brunnbauer, DREVNA NACIONALNOST I VJEKOVNA BORBA ZA DRŽAVNOST: HISTORIOGRAFSKI MITOVI U REPUBLICI MAKEDONIJI (BJRM), Zbornik radova "Historijski mitovi na Balkanu", Sarajevo, 2003:


1. Mitovi o porijeklu

Prva generacija makedonskih historičara datira proces 'makedonskog preporoda', tj. pojave makedonske nacije, u XIX stoljeće, kada su navodno intelektualci počeli tvrditi da su makedonski jezik i narod zasebni od drugih južnoslavenskih jezika i naroda. 'Vnutrašnja makedonska revolucionarna organizacija' (VMRO)19, osnovana 1893., i Ilindenski ustanak protiv osmanske vlasti 2. avgusta 1903. (dan proroka Ilije) smatraju se najznačajnijim političkim manifestacijama makedonske nacionalne svijesti u tom periodu. Makedonska država u obliku Socijalističke Republike Makedonije stvorena je tokom Drugog svjetskog rata kao izraz nacionalnih aspiracija makedonskog naroda, i prije svega zahvaljujući nastojanjima komunista, makedonskih partizana i Komunističke partije Jugoslavije (čija je uloga između 1944. i 1991. bila posebno naglašavana u makedonskoj historiografiji).

Sa sve većom institucionalizacijom makedonske historiografije, porijeklo makedonske nacije se gura dublje u prošlost. Žestoka bugarska kampanja poricanja postojanja zasebnog makedonskog jezika i nacije, koja je započela 1958. godine20, intenzivirala je pokušaje makedonskih historičara da odvoje makedonsku od bugarske historije.21 Počevši krajem 1950-tih, makedonska nacionalna historija počinje da se datira od VII stoljeća, kad su se Slaveni naselili u region Makedonije. Autoritativna Historija makedonskog naroda (1969.) sažima savremeno makedonsko naučno viđenje i govori o nezavisnim 'makedonskim Slavenima', koji su došli na Balkan sa Dunava - ne sa Volge,

19 O VMRO-u vidjeti Duncan Perry, The Politics of Terror: The Makedonski Liberation Movements 1893-1903. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1988.

20 O sporu između makedonskih i bugarskih historičara, vidjeti Troebst, Die bulgarisch-ju-goslawische Kontroverse um Makedonien.

21 Stefan Troebst, 'IMRO + 100 = FYROM? Politics of Makedonski historiografija', uJames Pettifer, ured., The New Makedonski Question. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999, str. 63.


300

kako su tvrdili Bugari.22 Gledište da Makedonci i Bugari potječu od različitog slavenskog življa postaje popularno. Blaže Ristovski, jedan od najplodnijih makedonskih intelektualaca današnjice, tvrdi u svojoj Historiji makedonske nacije, objavljenoj 1999., da su različite etničke grupe i slavenska plemena doprinijela etnogenezi Makedonaca i Bugara te da već u IX stoljeću nema 'etnogenetskog, kulturnog, lingvističkog ni civilizacijskog jedinstva' između Makedonaca i Bugara.23 Međutim, takve teorije o etnogenezi ne mogu se potkrijepiti činjenicama; potreban je bio bolji dokaz za postojanje makedonske nacije u Srednjem vijeku.On je nađen u carstvu Cara Samuila i njegovih nasljednika, koje je postojalo u Makedoniji između 969. i 1018. godine, sa prijestolnicama u Prespi i Ohridu.24 Hrvatski historičar Stjepan Antoljak, koji je u Skopje došao 1956. za rukovodioca odjela antičke i srednjovjekovne historije Instituta za nacionalnu historiju, odigrao je ključnu ulogu u proglašavanju Samuila makedonskim vladarom.25 Postojeća nauka smatra Samuilovu državu bugarskom, što je pretpostavka koja ima oslonca u primarnih izvorima: bizantijski autori zovu je 'Bugarska' a njen živalj 'Bugari'. Samuil je sebe smatrao vladarom 'Bugara', a ne 'Makedonaca'. Bizantijski car Vasilije II, koji je zadao strašan poraz Samuilovim snagama 1014. godine, zaslužio je epitaf 'bugarski koljač'. Izdanje iz 1969. Historije makedonskog naroda priznaje da su savremenici Samuilovu državu zvali 'bugarskom'. Ta očita kontradikcija je uklonjena tvrdnjom da je ta država 'ipak bila sasvim drugačija (od Bugarske) zajednica'.26 Autori tvrde da su 'makedonski Slaveni' bili 'daleko' prevlađujući živalj te države. Mada autori ne nazivaju Samuilovu državu 'makedonskom',

22 Mihailo Apostolski et al., eds., Istorija na makedonskiot narod, tom 1: Odpredistoriskoto vreme do krajot na XVIII vek. Skopje: Institut za natsionalna istorija, 1969, str. 130.

23 Blaže Ristovski, Istorija na makedonskata natsija. Skopje: MANU, 1999, str. 13-14.

24 Vidjeti Palmer, King, Yugoslav Communism and the Makedonski Question, str. 162; Troebst, 'IMRO + 100', str. 63.

25 O Stjepanu Antoljaku, vidjeti jedinicu u izdanju: Stojan Kiselinovski, ured., Makedonski istoriski rečnik. Skopje: INI, 2000, str. 40-41. Njegov ključni doprinos ovoj temi je monografija Samuilovata država. Skopje: INI, 1969. Antoljak je morao napustiti Hrvatsku zbog svojih ratnih aktivnosti u Zagrebu, gdje je bio docent na Filozofskom fakultetu (zahvalan sam Ivi Goldsteinu što me je upoznao sa Antoljakovim doprinosom).

26 Apostolski et al., Istorija na makedonskiot narod, tom 1, str. 130.


301

oni ne ostavljaju nikakve sumnje da ona nije bila bugarska, i smještaju je u makedonsku tradiciju.

U novom izdanju Historije makedonskog naroda, čiji se prvi tom pojavio 2000., Samuilova država se definitivno naziva 'Makedonskom državom', onom u kojoj su 'Makedonci' bili vladajući narod.27 Činjenica da su je bizan-tijski autori, od kojih imamo najviše informacija o Samuilovoj državi, zvali 'Bugarskom', a njene stanovnike 'Bugarima' spominje se tek usput i ne uzima se ozbiljno.28 Branko Panov, urednik tog toma, na jednom je drugom mjestu napisao da je, pod Samuilom, etnogeneza makedonskog naroda okončana te da je Samuilo osnovao 'makedonsku dinastiju careva'.29

27 Branko Panov, ured., Istorija na makedonskiot narod, tom 1: Makedonija odpraistoriskoto vreme dopotpagjanetopod turska vlast (1371 godina). Skopje: Institut za natsionalna istorija, 2000, str. 357 passim.

28 Ibid., str. 384-385.

29 Branko Panov, Makedonija niz istorijata. Skopje: Menora, 1999, str. 15.



Пълен текст на статията / The full text of the article: http://www.iis.unsa.ba/izdavacka_djelatnost/posebna_izdanja/mitovi/mitovi_brunnbauer.html
 
Poslednja izmena:
(...)
За ЦРНИ Бугарин.
Ајде сега убаво на Српски напиши или на Англески,ништо не те разбирам ниту пак Србите.

Бугарин извори су ти из 2005 и 1997 година?
А моји извори су лепо написани да су из 13 века.

И шта чемо сада?

Толико о твом знању,како може нешто из 1997 да буде валидније од нечега из 13 века?
 
Poslednja izmena od moderatora:
Срђан Пириватрић

srpir_korica_s.jpg

Najbolja monografija o Samuilu napisana do danas. Za razno-razne bolesnike sa svih prostora SFRJ i sire, koji licitiraju 'nacionalnim identitetom' antickih i srednjevekovnih licnosti sa prostora danasnjeg Balkana, procitati poslednji odeljak o etnickoj strukturi i faktorima etnogeneze u Samuilovoj drzavi.
 
Najbolja monografija o Samuilu napisana do danas. Za razno-razne bolesnike sa svih prostora SFRJ i sire, koji licitiraju 'nacionalnim identitetom' antickih i srednjevekovnih licnosti sa prostora danasnjeg Balkana, procitati poslednji odeljak o etnickoj strukturi i faktorima etnogeneze u Samuilovoj drzavi.


Ма Самоил никада није довоџен у питање ко је и шта је све док Бугари нису умешали прсте пре 30 година.

Страни историчари пре 100-200 година нису имали дилему ко је он.Имаш многе стране старе књиге о томе.

vasilievssamuilzc3.jpg


"Велика је иронија што је Византиска лоза са Македонаком-Словенским,
коренима је одговорна за пораз другог великог царства на Балкану-Самоилово Македонско Словенско цраство"
 
Цитати от основния взантийски извор за периода на цар Самуил - Йоан Скилица, 11 век / Citations from the main Byzantine source for Samuel's period - John Skylitzes, 11th century:


1. Peter, Tsar of the Bulgarians, renewed the peace immediately after his wife's death and concluded a treaty with the Emperors and gave as hostages his own sons Boris and Roman. Not long afterwards, he died. After this his sons were sent to Bulgaria to occupy their father's Kingdom and to stop the advance of the Kometopouli. Because David, Moses, Aaron and Samuil, sons of one of the powerful comites of Bulgaria, were /planning an uprising and were/ spreading unrest throughout the Bulgarian State...

http://www.promacedonia.org/en/ban/ma1.html#15


2. Immediately after the death of Emperor Ioannes1 the Bulgarians rose in revolt and four brothers were chosen to govern them: David, Moses, Aaron and Samuil, sons of one of the all-powerful comites of the Bulgarians and for this reason named Kometopouli...Of the four brothers, David was immediately killed by some Wallachian vagabonds between Castoria, Prespa and the so-called “Fair Oak Wood.” While besieging Seres, Moses was hit by a stone cast from the wall and died. Aaron was killed by his brother Samuil on July 142 in the place called Razmetanitsa, together with all his kin, because he was a sup porter, so they say, of the Byzantines, or because he was trying to seize power for himself. Only his son Vladislav Ivan was saved by Samuil's son Radomir Roman. Thus Samuil became the absolute ruler of all Bulgaria ...

http://www.promacedonia.org/en/ban/ma1.html#16


3. Samuil set out against Thessalonica and deployed the main part of his army in ambushes and traps, and he sent only a small part on an incursion to Thessalonica itself [...] Samuil camped on the opposite bank. Because of the torrential rains, the river rose and caused floods, so that no battle was expected at that moment. The magister, however, by inspecting the upper and lower reaches of the river, found a place through which he thought he could cross. In the night, having roused his troops, he crossed the river and attacked Samuil's soldiers in their carefree sleep. A very large number of them were massacred, without anybody thinking of defense. Samuil himself and his son Roman were wounded, receiving grave wounds, and would have been taken prisoners, had they not mixed with the dead, lying as though dead. When night fell, they secretly fled towards the Aetolian Mountains and from there, across the peaks of these mountains, crossed the Pindus and took refuge in Bulgaria. And the magister, after freeing the Byzantines who had been taken prisoners, and strip ping the Bulgarians who had fallen, looted the enemy camp and with very rich booty returned to Thessalonica with his troops...

In 6508, indiction 13, /= 999/ the Emperor sent a strong army against the Bulgarian fortresses beyond the Haemus Mountains ... The Byzantine troops captured Great and Little Preslav, as well as Pliska, and returned unscathed and victorious.

The following year, the Emperor again set out against the Bulgarians via Thessalonica. He was joined by the governor of Berrhoea,1 Dobromir, who sur rendered the town to the Emperor and was honoured with the dignity of anthypatus. The defender of Servia2 Nikola, who, because of his small stature was called by the diminutive name of Nikolitsa, put up valiant resistance and cheerfully endured the siege imposed on him. The Emperor, however, set himself the task of capturing the fortress and succeeded, taking Nikolitsa himself prisoner. He deported the Bulgarians from there and left a garrison of Byzantines. After all this he returned to the capital, taking Nikolitsa with him, whom he honoured with the title of patrician. But the inconstant Nikolitsa es caped from there and returning secretly to Samuil, together with him began to besiege Servia. The Emperor, however, moved swiftly and lifted the siege from the town and Nikolitsa fled with Samuil... The Emperor went to Thessaly and rebuilt the fortresses destroyed by Samuil, while those which were in the hands of Bulgarians he captured by siege and resettled the Bulgarians in the so-called Voleron.3 After posting strong garrisons in all fortresses, he returned to the place known as Voden. Voden is a small fortress situated on steep cliffs where the waters of the Ostrovo Lake fall after running unseen below the ground and coming to the surface again at this place. As the inhabitants of this town did not surrender of their own free will, the Emperor took it by siege. He deported them also to Voleron, then installed a strong guard in the town and returned to Thessalonica.

[...]

In the following year, indiction 15 /= 1003/, the Emperor set out on a campaign against Vidin and captured it by force after full eight months of siege. While he was busy with the siege, Samuil with a swift movement suddenly fell on Adrianople on the very feast of the Assumption of the Virgin. With a sudden assault he also seized the fair annually held there and attended by a great crowd and, after collecting much booty, he returned to his country. And the Emperor, after fortifying Vidin very well returned to the capital without losses, having devastated and destroyed all the Bulgarian fortresses on his way. When he ap proached the town of Skopje, he found Samuil calmly camping across the Axios river, which is now called Vardar. Relying on the river being in flood and thus impossible to ford, he had set up his camp in a negligent manner. But a soldier found a ford and led the Emperor through it. Shocked by his sudden appearance, Samuil hastily fled in confusion, and his tent and the entire camp were captured. And the town of Skopje was surrendered to the Emperor by Roman, the son of Peter, Tsar of the Bulgarians, and brother of Boris, called also Simeon after his grandfather and placed there as governor by Samuil. The Emperor received him and after honouring him for his decision with the title of patrician and prepositor, sent him as a strategus to Abydos.

Continuing from there, the Emperor set out for Pernik, whose defender was Krakra, a man excellent in military matters. He spent a considerable time there and lost no small number of soldiers in the siege. Finding the fortress im pregnable and Krakra impervious to flattery or other promises and proposals, he returned to Philippopolis, whence he returned to Constantinople.


http://www.promacedonia.org/en/ban/ma1.html#17
 
Цитати от основния взантийски извор за периода на цар Самуил - Йоан Скилица, 11 век / Citations from the main Byzantine source for Samuel's period - John Skylitzes, 11th century:


4 A. Every year the Emperor continued to invade Bulgaria and devastated and laid waste everything on his way. Samuil could not put up opposition in the open field, nor could he come out in an open battle against the Emperor, and he suffered defeats on all sides and began to lose his strength. For this reason he decided to dig trenches and block the Emperor's road to Bulgaria ... The Emperor was already losing hope of getting through when Nicephorus Xiphias, appointed it that time by him as strategus of Philippopolis, persuaded him to remain there and to keep up his constant assaults on the barrier, saying that he would go to see whether he could not do something advantageous and salutary. And so, having taken his soldiers ..., all of a sudden, with cries and noise, he appeared on high ground in the rear of the Bulgarians. Terrified by his sudden appearance, they fled. The Emperor destroyed the abandoned palisade and began to pursue them. Many were slain and many more were captured. Samuil was barely saved from death by his son, who valiantly warded off the attackers. He put him on a horse and led him to the fortress called Prilep. And the Emperor blinded the captive Bulgarians, about 15,000 so they say, ordering each group of one hundred to be led by a soldier with one eye, and thus sent them to Samuil. When the latter saw them coming in rows of equal numbers he could not stand this suffering courageously and in silence, but became unwell, fainted and fell to the ground. Those present tried to restore his breathing with water and perfumes and succeeded in bringing him round a little. When he had recovered consciousness, he asked for cold water, but after taking a drink, he suffered a heart attack, and two days later he died. His son Gavril, called also Roman, who surpassed his father in might and force but was far inferior to him in wisdom and reason, took power over the Bulgarians. He was Samuil's son by a slave girl from Larissa. He began to rule on September 15, indiction 13 /1014/. A year had not passed before he was murdered while out hunting by Aaron's son, Ivan Vladislav, whom he had rescued from death when he was about to perish.

Before these occurrences, at the time when Theophylactus Botaniates was sent as governor of Thessalonica, following Arianites, David Nestoritsa, a Bulgarian noble, was sent by Samuil with a large army against Thessalonica. Theophylactus met them with his son Michael, engaged in battle against them and utterly defeated them. He took much booty and many prisoners and brought them to the Emperor, who was besieging the barrier at the Gorge of Kleidion.1 Passing through the barrier, as we have already said, the Emperor advanced to Stroumitsa and captured the fortress, called Matzukion, situated near Stroumitsa. He also sent the Thessalonica duke Theophylactus Botaniates with his troops, ordering him to cross the hills at Stroumitsa, so as to burn the palisades on the roads to them and open a convenient road for him to Thessalonica. He set out, and the Bulgarians guarding these places let him pass everywhere unimpeded along the road. But when he was preparing to return to the Emperor after having fulfilled his orders, he fell into ambushes set up for this purpose and waiting in a long and narrow pass. When he entered it, sur rounded from all sides and showered from above with stones and arrows, he fell dead without anyone being able to help him and without being able to make use of his hands, owing to the narrow and impassable place. A large part of the army perished with him. When this was reported to the Emperor, he was filled with great sorrow. It was because of this that he did not dare advance but turned back and arrived in Zagoria where the extremely strong fortress of Melnik stood, built on a rock and encircled on all sides by steep and very deep precipices. The Bulgarians from the area had gathered there and were not at all interested in the Byzantines. The Emperor sent to them one of his menservants, a eunuch named Sergius, an intelligent and eloquent man, to find out what their mood was. Once there, he succeeded by dint of much persuasion in con vincing these people to lay down their arms and to surrender, together with the fortress, to the Emperor. The Emperor received them and conferred honours upon them, and leaving a sufficient garrison in the fortress, he returned to Mosynopolis.2 While he was there, they informed him also of Samuil's death on October 24. The Emperor immediately left Mosynopolis and went down towards Thessalonica, and from there he went to Pelagonia, without devastating the lands on his way, and merely burning Gavril’s palaces in Buteli.3 Having sent troops, he captured the fortresses of Prilep and Stip. From there he reached the river called Cherna, which he crossed on rafts and inflated skins and returned to Voden , whence on January 9 /1015/ he went to Thessalonica.
 
Цитати от основния взантийски извор за периода на цар Самуил - Йоан Скилица, 11 век / Citations from the main Byzantine source for Samuel's period - John Skylitzes, 11th century:


4 B. In the early spring the Emperor again returned to Bulgaria and set out for the fortress of Voden, because its inhabitants, betraying their loyalty to the Emperor, had taken up arms against the Byzantines. Moreover, he strongly besieged the town and compelled them to surrender, after receiving guarantees. He again deported them to Voleron, and in the middle of the pass he erected two other fortresses, one of which he named Kardia, and the other Saint Elijah, and returned to Thessalonica. There, through a Byzantine who had lost one hand, Roman Gavril sent a promise of submission and obedience. The Emperor treated the letter with suspicion and he sent an army under Nicephorus Xiphias and Constantine Diogenes, who had become strategus of Thessalonica after Botaniates, to the region of Moglena. After they devastated all this land and besieged the town, the Emperor himself arrived. He diverted the river that flowed by the city and, having undermined the foundations of the walls, he threw wood and other easily inflammable substances into the excavations and set them on fire. When the combustible substances burned out, the wall crumbled. On seeing this, the besieged began to weep and plead, and sur rendered, together with the fortress. And so Dometian Kaukhanus,4 a noble and counselor to Gavril, the governor of Moglena Ilitsa and many other noblemen and a considerable number of soldiers were captured. And so the Emperor sent those fit to bear arms to Asprakania, while the other non-combatants he ordered to be plundered and the fortress to be burned. Another fortress, called Enotia, adjacent to Moglena, also fell.

On the fifth day the handless Byzantine arrived together with officials of Ivan Vladislav, Aaron's son. He carried a letter in which Ivan Vladislav reported that he had killed Gavril in Petrisk5 and that he had assumed full power. /In the letter/ he also promised to offer the Emperor the submission and obedience due to him. Having read the letter and reaffirmed his decision with a royal decree, the Emperor sent envoys to Ivan. In a few days’ time the Greek with the severed hand again returned with a letter from Ivan and the Bulgarian notables, who declared that they were ready to become subjects and slaves of the Emperor. Kaukhanus, the brother of Dometian, who had been captured in Moglena, also joined the Emperor. The Emperor received him and held him in esteem. When he realized that Ivan had written the letter with cunning and duplicity and that he was thinking the opposite of what he promised, he again returned to Bulgaria and devastating the areas around Ostrovo, Sosk, as well as the plain of Pelagonia, he blinded all the Bulgarians whom he captured. And thus he reached the town of Ohrid, where the palaces of the Tsars of Bulgaria stood. After he had occupied the town and made all the necessary arrangements, he decided to proceed further and to go to Dyrrachium because affairs there required his presence. And indeed, as long as Vladimir,6 who was married to Samuil's daughter, a just, peace-loving and virtuous man, was in possession of Trimalia and the lands in the vicinity of Servia, peace reigned in Dyrrachium. But after Gavril had been murdered by Ivan, Vladimir trusted the oaths which Ivan passed on to him through David, the Archbishop of Bulgaria, gave himself up and was soon killed. Then great confusion and disorder set in there, because Ivan frequently tried in every way through military commanders and personally to recapture the town. The Emperor, therefore, wanted to go to help him but was stopped by a serious consideration. Because on his march to Ohrid he had left in the rear the strategus Georgius Gonitziates and the cap tured protospatharius Orestes with a large army, ordering them to devastate the plains of Pelagonia.7 The Bulgarians, however, led by the military commander Ivats, a most outstanding and well-tried man, caught them in an ambush and killed them all. Seized with sorrow for them, the Emperor returned to Pelagonia and pursuing Ivats closely, reached Thessalonica and then went to Mosynopolis. He sent against Stroumitsa a force under the patrician David Arianites, who appeared suddenly and captured the fort called Thermitsa.8 He sent another force under Xiphias against the fortresses near Triaditsa. Having taken all fortresses situated in the open, he besieged and captured the fortress called Boion /Boyana/.

[...]

That same year 6524, indiction 14 /1016/, the Emperor left the Capital and set out for Triaditsa. He encircled the fortress of Pernik and besieged it but its defenders fought valiantly and courageously and many Byzantines were killed. The Emperor maintained the siege for a full 88 days but, understanding that he had undertaken something impossible, he withdrew, without doing anything, and returned to Mosynopolis. He left his army to rest there an$, with the coming of spring, he left Mosynopolis, invaded Bulgaria, besieged the for tress named-Longon and took it by siege. Sending David Arianites and Constantine Diogenes to the plains of Pelagonia, he captured a lot of cattle and men. The Emperor, having burned the fortress, divided the prisoners into three parts: one part he gave to his Russian allies, the other to the Byzantines and the third he kept for himself. Then he moved on and, on reaching Castoria, he tried to take the fortress but realized that it was impregnable and turned back. Moreover, he had received a letter from the strategus of Dorostol, Cicikius, the son of the patrician Teudatus the Iverian, /who informed him/ that Krakra had collected a very numerous army and had joined Ivan; they had also won over the Pechenegs and intended to attack the Byzantines. Troubled by this letter, the Emperor immediately returned. On the way he captured the fortress of Bosograd and burned it, rebuilt Berrhoea, and devastated and destroyed everything around Ostrovo and Moliscus. He gave up any further advance because he had been informed that the campaign against the Byzantines planned by Krakra and Ivan had been called off, because the Pechenegs had failed to give them military assistance. That is why he returned and besieged another fortress, Setaena, where Samuil had had palaces and where a large amount of wheat was stored. The Emperor ordered the troops to seize it, and burned everything. Against Ivan, who was not very far away, he sent the detachment of the Western scholae9 and the Thessalonica detachment com manded by Constantine Diogenes. When they went, Ivan laid a trap for them. On learning this, the Emperor feared lest something bad should happen to them and, riding before the army said only: 'Let him who is a soldier follow me!' and swiftly rushed forward. On seeing this, Ivan's scouts ran terrified towards Ivan's camp and filled it with confusion and disturbance, crying only: 'Run for your lives, the Tsar!' Since everyone, including Ivan, were fleeing in disorder, the men of Diogenes took courage and began to pursue them. They killed many and captured 200 heavily armed soldiers, their horses and Ivan's baggage, as well as his nephew. Having done this, the Emperor returned to Voden, arranged everything there and set out for Constantinople on January 9, indiction 15, 6526 /1018/.
 
Цитати от основния взантийски извор за периода на цар Самуил - Йоан Скилица, 11 век / Citations from the main Byzantine source for Samuel's period - John Skylitzes, 11th century:


4 C. Ivan availed himself of the respite given him and went to besiege Dyrrachium with barbarian haughtiness and superciliousness. When a battle started in the course of the siege, he fell dead without any one being able to un derstand who had struck him. He had ruled over the Bulgarians for 2 years and 5 months. As soon as the Emperor was informed of his death by the patrician Nikita Pigonites, strategus of Dyrrachium, he departed immediately. On reaching Adrianople, he was met by the brother and son of the famous Krakra, who brought him the good news that they were surrendering to him the well-known fortress of Pernik and 3 5 other fortresses. The Emperor gave them high dignities and, after making Krakra a patrician, he went to Mosynopolis. En voys from Pelagonia, Morovizd10 and Lipenium11 came there and surrendered the towns to the Emperor. Setting out from there, the Emperor went to Seres, where Krakra arrived together with the commanders of the 35 fortresses that had surrendered; he was well received. Dragomuzh, who surrendered Stroumitsa and was created a patrician, also went over to the Emperor. He brought with him the patrician Ioannes the Chaldias, who was then released from long years of imprisonment (because he had been captured by Samuil and had spent 2 years in gaol). Immediately after this the Emperor approached Stroumitsa and there came to him David the Archbishop of Bulgaria, with a letter from Maria, Ivan's wife, promising to renounce Bulgaria if her wishes were fulfilled. To him there came also Bogdan, the toparchos of the fortresses in the interior and he was also made a patrician because for a long time he had favoured the Emperor and had murdered his father-in-law. From there /the Emperor/ set out for Skopje. Stationing the patrician David Arianites in the town as a strategus with full powers he moved back through the fortresses of Shtip and Prosek, greeted and honoured with prayers and hymns. But he immediately turned right and went to Ohrid where he set up camp. The entire population welcomed him with battle songs, greetings and praises. The town of Ohrid is situated on a high hill, near a very large lake, from which the Drin river rises and flows to the north, subsequently turning west and flowing into the Ionian Sea near the fortress of Eilisos. Ohrid was the principal town of all Bulgaria; there the palaces of the tsars of Bulgaria were erected and there their riches were kept. Having opened /the treasury/, the Emperor found a lot of money, crowns with pearls, garments embroidered with gold and 100 centenaria of gold pieces; all this he spent on pay for his troops. And so, leaving the patrician Eustathius Daphnomelus as governor of the town and providing him with a reliable guard, he returned to his camp. /There/ he received the wife of Ivan Vladislav whom they brought to him with her three sons and six daughters. She also brought with her an illegitimate son of Samuil, and two daughters and five sons of Samuil's son Radomir, one of whom Ivan had maimed by gouging out his eyes, when he had murdered Samuil's son Radomir together with his wife and his son-in-law Vladimir. Maria had three other sons by Ivan, but they had succeeded in escaping to Mount Tmor, the highest of the Keraunian Mountains. The Emperor received her kindly and gave instructions for her to be guarded benevolently together with the others. Other Bulgarian nobles, each one with his detachment, also came to the Emperor: Nestoritsa, Zaritsa and the young Dragomir. They were favourably received and were accorded royal honours. Then even Vladislav's sons - Prusian and his two brothers - who had fled to Tmor, as we have related earlier, tormented by the prolonged siege (because the soldiers stationed by the Emperor were guarding the ways out of the mountain), informed the Emperor that they wanted guarantees, and promised to surrender. The Emperor gave them a kind reply, and setting out from Ohrid went to the lake called Prespa and crossing the mountain between, erected a castle on its peak which he named Basilida, and another by the said lake. From Prespa he moved to the so-called Devol where, on a raised platform, he received the brothers of Prusian. He reassured them with benevolent and humane words and he created Prusian magister and the others patricians. Ivats, who was deprived of sight, was also brought there. I should, however, relate the manner in which he was blinded because this narrative contains something pleasant and marvelous.
 
Цитати от основния взантийски извор за периода на цар Самуил - Йоан Скилица, 11 век / Citations from the main Byzantine source for Samuel's period - John Skylitzes, 11th century:


4 D. After Ivan Vladislav's death, when his wife Maria and her sons sur rendered and the other nobles from Bulgaria submitted, this Ivats fled to an impassable mountain called Vrohot where he had fine palaces called Pronishta gardens and suitable places for pleasure. He did not want to submit to God's will but gradually gathering an army, began to rouse the surrounding area to revolt, contemplating an uprising and dreaming of seizing power in Bulgaria This fact greatly troubled the Emperor. He therefore abandoned the direct road, turned south and reached the said Devol in order either to compel the rebel to surrender unconditionally or to annihilate him by war. The Emperor settled down with pleasure in the said place and sent a letter to Ivats in order to bring him to his senses so that he would not oppose him on his own when all Bulgaria had been conquered, nor imagine impossible things, but would under stand that what he had begun would bring no benefit. Ivats received the letter and replied with another, playing for time and quibbling, giving all kinds of arguments, so that the Emperor was compelled to stay in this place for fifty-five days, fooled by these promises. The governor of Ohrid, Eustathius Daphnomelus, learned that the Emperor intended to destroy Ivats. And so he chose a suitable moment and, by coming to an arrangement with two of his most loyal servants, to whom he confided his intentions, he got down to business. Ivats used to celebrate the holiday of the Assumption of the Virgin with the whole people and on this day he used to invite to a banquet not only his nearest neighbours but also many others from far away. And so Eustathius went self-invited to the feast and, meeting the guards at the entrance, ordered them to announce who he was and that he had come to make merry with the nobleman. When he was told, Ivats wondered that a person hostile to him should come of his own accord and give himself up into the enemy's hands. Nevertheless, he gave instructions for him to be ushered in, and when he came, he received him most cordially and embraced him. As soon as the morning prayer was over and all those assembled had gone to their places, Eustathius approached Ivats and asked him to step aside for a while because he wanted to speak to him alone about something very important and to his advantage. Ivats, not suspecting the cunning and deceit, but supposing that Eustathius really wanted to join his faction in the uprising, ordered his servants to leave them alone for a while. He took his arm and led him to a garden full of trees in which there was a spot where no voice could be heard because of the thick wood. Entering it, Eustathius caught Ivats, pushed him quickly to the ground and pressing his knee on his chest - because he was strong in the arms - began to strangle him, shouting to his two servants to come to his help. They, accor ding to the arrangement, were standing and watching what was going on. On hearing their master's voice, they immediately dashed up, caught Ivats tightly and gagged his mouth with his shirt lest by his cries he should incite the mul titude against them and their work be left unfinished. Then they blinded him and threw him out of the garden into the courtyard. They rushed to the upper floor of a high building and, taking out their swords, waited for those wishing to attack them. When the news of what had happened became known, a vast crowd gathered. Some held swords in their hands, others had spears, a third group had arrows, a fourth held stones, others - clubs, some fire-brands, others inflammable substances and all were running and shouting: 'Slaughter the assassins and impostors, burn them, cut them into pieces, and bury them under stones! Let none of the wicked be spared!' Seeing the assembled crowd and losing hope of rescue, Eustathius nevertheless called to his men to be courageous and not to lose heart, not to let themselves fall into the power of those who wanted their destruction, /because from them they could not expect salvation but only a miserable and painful death/. He then appeared before the throng from a window, made a sign with his hand to the crowd to be silent and began thus: 'Assembled men, there is no hostility whatever in me against your nobleman and you will admit it, because you know well that he is a Bulgarian, and I a Byzantine, and not one of those living in Thrace and Macedonia12 but from Asia Minor, which is very far away from us, as the well informed know. The more perspicacious of you will understand that I myself did not undertake such a venture thoughtlessly and recklessly, but that some necessity compelled me. I would not have rushed so insanely into obvious danger and risked my life, had not some other cause compelled me to act so. And so, know that this thing was done at the order of the Emperor, whom I obediently served as a tool. And now, if you want to kill me, here I am in your hands. I will not die, however, submissively and easily, nor will I lay down my arms and surrender to you, as you wish it to happen, but I shall fight for my life and together with my men shall repulse the attackers to the end. If we should die — because those who are surrounded by a more numerous enemy must come to grief - we shall consider death happy and blessed since there is one who will call to account and seek revenge for our blood and it is precisely he whom you wanted to resist as long as possible.' Hearing these words and seized with fear of the Emperor, those assembled there began little by little to sneak away and to disperse in different directions. The older and more reasonable obeyed, praising the Emperor. Eustathius in complete security took Ivats and brought him to the Emperor. He received /Eustathius/ and for his bravery immediately appointed him strategus of Dyrrachium and presented him with all movable property of Ivats. The letter was thrown into prison.

At that time Nikolitsa, who had been often captured and as many times freed, was also hiding in some mountains. When troops were sent against him and some of his men surrendered of their own accord and others were captured, he came down one night as a fugitive to the camp /of the Emperor/ and, knocking on the door, announced who he was and that he was voluntarily sur rendering to the Emperor. The Emperor did not want even to see him and sent him to Thessalonica and ordered him to be imprisoned. He himself, after arranging things in Dyrrachium, Colonia and Drinopolis, in the way he con sidered best, and leaving garrisons and strategi in the themes, allowed the Byzantines who were taken prisoner to remain in the country if they wished to do so. Others he ordered to follow him. So he proceeded to Castoria. There to him were brought Samuil's two daughters, who as soon as they saw Maria, Ivan's wife, standing next to the Emperor, flew at her as if to kill her. The Emperor pacified their rage by promising to confer dignities and great riches on them, while he conferred the title of zoste on Maria and sent her to Constan tinople together with her sons. Through Xiphias the Emperor leveled to the ground all fortresses in Servia and Sosk. And he went to the fortress of Stag, where he received the governor of Belgrade Elemag and his cogovernors in slaves' clothes. Departing from there he set out for Athens. Passing by Zeitunion, it was with amazement that he saw the bones of the Bulgarians who had fallen when magister Nicephorus Uranus had vanquished Samuil. He marveled also at the wall built by Rupen at Thermopylae to ward off the Bulgarians, called even now Skelos. When he arrived in Athens, he held a service of thanksgiving to the Virgin Mary for the victory and adorned the shrine with many rich gifts. He then returned to Constantinople. He entered in triumph through the great door of the Golden Gates wearing a gold crown with a crest on top. He was preceded by Maria, the wife of Vladislav, Samuil's daughters and the other Bulgarians. This occurred in indiction 2, 6527 /1018/. So with the trophies of victory he entered the Great Church, where he offered hymns of thanksgiving to God, and then returned to the palace. Patriarch Sergius besought him much to abolish the allelengyon13 as he was returning as victor, but could not persuade him. Sergius, who for twenty years had headed God's papacy, presented himself to God in the month of July, indiction 2, 6527. Eustathius, first of the presbyters in the palace shrine, was elected Patriarch.


http://www.promacedonia.org/en/ban/ma1.html#18
 
Najbolja monografija o Samuilu napisana do danas. Za razno-razne bolesnike sa svih prostora SFRJ i sire, koji licitiraju 'nacionalnim identitetom' antickih i srednjevekovnih licnosti sa prostora danasnjeg Balkana, procitati poslednji odeljak o etnickoj strukturi i faktorima etnogeneze u Samuilovoj drzavi.

Цитат от монографията на Пириватрич, глава "Етничка структура", стр. 180 / A quotation from Pirivatric's monograph, chapter "Ethnic structure", page 180:

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Самоилово царство се звало Македонска Склавинија-Славинија.

То нико не може да оспори,а ви бугари можете само да плачете.
Постоје извори из то време које лепо пишу ко је и шта је.

Тако Јован Ѓакон во Венецијанската Хроника (980 - 1008 год) го соопштува следното:
"По извесно време Јован, кој бил на заточение во Зара (Стара Загора, з.м.) побегао прво во Склавинија, а после тога отишао у Италија."
(ЛИБИ, 7. 2. стр. 348).

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Najbolja monografija o Samuilu napisana do danas. Za razno-razne bolesnike sa svih prostora SFRJ i sire, koji licitiraju 'nacionalnim identitetom' antickih i srednjevekovnih licnosti sa prostora danasnjeg Balkana, procitati poslednji odeljak o etnickoj strukturi i faktorima etnogeneze u Samuilovoj drzavi.

И още един цитат от главата "Етничка структура" от монографията на Пириватрич, стр. 182-183 / Another quotation from the chapter "Ethnic structure" of Pirivatric's monograph, pp. 182-183:

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Значи ти верујеш више Србским писцима пре 20 година него БУГАРСКИМ историчарима пре 100 година?

Бугарска политика.

Evo sandaski, kada si toliko zapeo za AUTENTIČNIM IZVORIMA. U pitanju je desetomna Istorija Lava Đakona, koju je napisao pred kraj X veka. On piše o 986. godini i vizantijskom pohodu na Serdiku. Kritika njegovih izvora rezultira jednim zaključkom - Samuilov narod je bugarski:

Zatim pak, pošto je konačnoa razbio pljačkašku četu saučesnika Varde Sklira, car Vasilije prikupivši vojsku žurno je povede protiv Miza. [..] Mizi najpre one, koji iziđoše iz logora radi nabavke stočne hrane i namirnica, iz zasede napadnu i golem pokolj učine i odvedu mnoštvo tegleće stoke i konja.

I, na samom kraju, Lav opisuje i vizantijsko zauzimanje Verije iz 989. godine ovako:

..i zauzimanje Verije od strane Miza

Jesi li zadovoljan? :D

Slično prema drugim vizantijskim narativnim izvorima, npr. prema Jovanu Geometru:

Ne bih pomislio da će se ikada desiti, da čak ni kad bi se sunce pomerilo, da će strele Miza biti jače od kopalja Avsona. [..] Istar prigrabi venac Rima, maši se brže oružja, strele Miza nadjačaše koplje Avsona.
 
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Zatvorena za pisanje odgovora.

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